conversation last week with Secretary of State Kissinger, the sources said. What evidence the CIA
has obtained to support this initial conclusion was not disclosed. *
Most remarkably, Bush is reported to have flown to Miami on November 8 with the purpose or
pretext of taking "a walking tour of little Havana." As author Donald Freed tells it, "Actually [Bush]
met with the Miami FBI Special Agent in Charge Julius Matson and the chief of the anti-Castro
terrorism squad. According to a source close to the meeting Bush warned the FBI against allowingthe investigation to go any further than the lowest level Cubans." [fn 51]
In a meeting presided over by Pottinger, Propper was only able to get Lapham to agree that the
Justice Department could ask the CIA to report any information on the Letelier murder that might
relate to the security of the United States against foreign intervention. It was two years before anyword of the July-August cables was divulged.
Ultimately some low-level Cubans were convicted in a trial that saw Townley cop a plea bargain
and get off with a lighter sentence than the rest. Material about Townley under his various aliases
strangley disappeared from the INS files, and records of the July-August cable traffic with Walters(and Bush) was expunged. No doubt that there had been obstruction of justice, no doubt there had
been a cover-up.
On October 6, bombs destroyed a Cubana Airlines DC-8 flying from Kingston, Jamaica to Havana,
killing 73 pafrom Venezuela. Anonymous callers to newspapers and radio stations claimed responsibility forssangers and crew, including the Cuban national fencing team which was returning (^)
CORU and Operation Condor, while Fidel Castro immediately blamed the CIA. Venezuelan police
arrested CORU leaders Orlando Bosch (freed from jail in the US) and Luis Posada Carriles, whom
we will later see as an associate of Bush operative Felix Rodriguez in Iran-contra.
During 1976, Ed Wilson, officially retired, had been working with CIA officials on a project to
deliver explosives, timers, weapons, and ultimately Redeye missles to Qaddafi of Libya. Wilson
was receiving assistance from active duty CIA agents, including William Weisenburger and from
Scientific Communications, a CIA front company. Wilson was working with Clines, who was still
on the CIA payroll. CIA man Kevin Mulcahy had reported to Theodore Shackley about Wilson'sactivities, and Shackley had informed deputy director William Wells, who in turned had passed the (^)
hot potato on to Inspector General John Waller. The result of this round was a probe of Mulcahy's
report under Thomas Cox of Wallers' staff, assisted by Thomas Clines, of all people. On the basis of
this in-house investigation, Bush on September 17 decided to pass the entire case on to the FBI.
Another aspect of Wilson's skullduggery was reported to Clines by Rafael "Chi Chi" Quintero,
another fixture of the Enterprise, who complained that Wilson was trying to recruit him for an
assassination attempt against "Carlos," the fabled international terrorist. Years later Wilson was
given a long jail sentence, while his sidekick Frank Terpil went underground. What is essential here
is that under Bush's administration, the CIA and its associated Enterprise and other old boysnetworks began to run amok along paths that lead us towards the Iran-contra affair and the other (^)
great covert action secret wars of the 1980's and 1990's.
During the last days of the Ford Administration, Attorney General Edward Levi had occasion to
assert that the CIA's policy of refusing to turn documents and other evidence over to the JusticeDepartment "smacked of a Watergate cover-up." This was in connection with the prosecution of (^)
one Edwin Gibbons Moore, who was allegedly trying to sell secret papers to the Soviet Embassy.
The Bush CIA had refused to turn over various documents germane to this strange case.
During the Reagan years, Bush was given a much-publicized assignment as head of the South