vigorous pursuit of drug traffickers are our common goal." Later in the same year, Lawn wrote to
Noriega to commend the latter's contributions to Operation Pisces, a joint US-Panamanian effortagainst drug smuggling and drug money laundering. Panamanian participation was facilitated by a (^)
tough new law, called Law 23, which contained tough new provisions against drug money
laudering. Lawn 's letter to Noriega of May 27, 1987 includes the following: *As you know, the
recently concluded Operation Pisces was enormously successful: many millions of dollars and
many thousands of poundsmoney launderers.... of drugs have been taken from the drug traffickers and international
Again, the DEA and officials of Panama have together dealt an effective blow against drug dealers
and international money launderers. Your personal committment to Operation Pisces and the
competent, professional, and tireless efforts of other officials in the Republic of Panama were
essential to the final positive outcome of this investigation. Drugs dealers throughoutknow that the profits of their illegal operations are not welcome in Panama. The operation of M the world noway 6
led to the freezing of millions of dollars in the bank accounts of drug dealers. Simultaneously, bank
papers were confiscated that gave officials important insights into the drug trade and the laundering
operations of the drug trade. The DEA has always valued close cooperation, and we are prepared to
proceed together against international drug dealers whenever the opportunity presents itself. [fn 39]
By a striking coincidence, it was in June, 1987, just one month after this glowing tribute had been
written, that the US government declared war against Panama, initiating a campaign to destabilize
Noriega on the pretexts of lack of democracy and corruption. On June 30, 1987, the US State
Department demanded the ouster of General Noriega. Elliott Abrams, the Assistant Secertary ofState for Latin American Affairs, later indicted for perjury in 1991 for his role in the Iran-contra (^)
scandal and coverup, made the announcement. Abrams took note of a resolution passed on June 23
by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee demanding the creation of a "democratic government"
in Panama, and officially concurred, thus making the toppling of Noriega the official US policy.
Abrams also demanded that the Panamanian military be freed of "political corruption."
These were precisely the destabilization measures which Poindexter had threatened 18 months
earlier. The actual timing of the US demand for the ouster of Noriega appears to have been dictated
by resentment in the US financial community over Noriega's apparent violation of certain taboos in
his measures against drug m1987: "The political crisis follows closely what bankers here saw as a serious breach of bankoney laundering. As the New York Times commented in on August 10,
secrecy regulations. Earlier this year, as part of an American campaign against the laundering of
drug money, the Panamanian government froze a few suspect accounts here in a manner that
bankers and lawyers regarded as arbitrary." These were precisely the actions lauded by Lawn. Had
Noriega shut down operations sanctioned by the US intelligence community, or confiscated assetsof the New York banks?
In November, 1987, Noriega was visited by Bush's former vice presidential chief of staff, Admiral
Daniel J. Murphy. Murphy had left Bush's office in 1985 to go into the international consulting
business. Murphy wKoreagate scandal which had served Bush so well. Murphy claimed that Park was part of a group ofas accompanied on his trip by Tongsun Park, a protagonist of the 1976 (^)
international businessmen who had sent him to Panama to determine if Murphy could help in
"restoring stability in Panama" as a representative of the businessmen or of the Panamanian
government, a singular cover story. "I was really there trying to find out whether there was
negotiating roomthat Murphy, who had conferred with NSC chief Colin Powell, Don Gregg and Elliott Abrams of between him and the opposition," Murphy said in early 1988. There were reports
the State Department before he went to Panama, had told Noriega that he could stay in office
through early 1989 if he allowed political reforms, free elections, and a free press, but Murphy
denied having done this. It is still not known with precision what mission Murphy was sent to
Panama to perform for Bush. [fn 40]