as a mount for kings in battle or in royal displays). Whatever the origins,
Ganes.a was depicted iconographically by at least the sixth century CE^15 and
became thereafter a permanent part of the pantheon, especially as a member
of S ́iva’s family.
Another deity which arose to some significance after the sixth century and
became especially popular in the area now known as Kerala is the deity
known variously as Aiyan
̄
or S ́a ̄sta ̄. His story illustrates the way the symbolism
of a deity can reflect its cultural history. Prior to the sixth century, the hon-
orific term aireferred to heroic hunter figures or to honored Jain or
Buddhist monks. Once divinized as S ́a ̄sta ̄ he was presented as a son of
S ́iva and a teacher par excellence making him a Hindu alternative to the
Buddha and, in Kerala, as Aiyan
̄
, a hunter par excellence, a deity of tribal
peoples and protector on the fringes of villages. By the early medieval period,
myths depict him as the son of S ́iva and Vis.n.u (the latter in the form of the
feminine Mohinı ̄) and ascribe to him the name Hariharaputra (the son of
S ́iva and Vis.n.u). How does the birth of Hariharaputra reflect the cultural
history of Kerala? One finds a rapprochement occurring there in this period
between S ́aiva and Vais.n.ava communities perhaps in the face of Islamic
and Christian settlements. Indeed most temples in Kerala by the twelfth
century had combined S ́aiva and Vais.n.ava motifs and shared a common
ritual tradition. Another factor may be reflected in the myth: apparently,
during this period, the Nayars, a major landowning group in Kerala, were
becoming matrilineal while the menfolk were off fighting. The Nayar women
who were primarily Vais.n.ava developed relationships with Nambu ̄diri (S ́aiva
brahman) men. The sons of these alliances alone were deemed fit to serve
as kings in Kerala.^16 Yet another factor may have given the myth a political
significance. Certain royal houses in Kerala may have found legitimation by
linking their regime to that of the Hoysalas, a dynasty headquartered in
Karnataka, where they had patronized Harihara (S ́iva-Vis.n.u in combined
form). Hence, the “son” of Harihara extended the power and authority
of the earlier dynasty into the “newer” dynasty which patronized him. In a
similar way, many variations on the birth, incarnation, and exploits of
the deity reflected the self-perceptions of many communities: of tribals, for
example, who claim the deity impregnated an ancestor or the toddy tappers
who maintained the god once drank toddy to “save the world,” hence was
“one of us.” Stories about the gods, like those about sacred places, often
reflected the perceptions and social history of those who perpetuated
the myths.^17
The Post-classical Period 101