and the model of religion at its most positive.^33 One of his best-known
disciples was Vivekananda (1863–1902), who combined his Western edu-
cation with piety. He became one of the first “missionaries” to North
America, establishing Veda ̄nta centers in several cities in the eastern United
States.^34 He was also responsible for reforming and “classicizing” temples
around India. Near Srinagar, Kashmı ̄r, for example, he was said to be instru-
mental in transforming a shrine to a tantric, even demonic, deity into a
vegetarian goddess who came to be known as Kı ̄r Bha ̄vanı ̄ (Lady of the Place
of Sweet Milk).^35
Other such reformers/pietists dotted the Indian landscape. Upgrading
or establishing centers for meditation and worship, many sought to apply
Western technology (e.g., print media) in reinterpreting various religious
movements.Bhaktivinoda Thakur, for example, sought to recover and
enliven the Gaudia ̄ Vais.n.ava movement in Bengal (the sect associated with
Caitanya) and make it more attractive and accessible to an emerging middle
class of urbanized Benga ̄lı ̄s. His work included the creation of a pilgrimage
site, of centers for meditation and scholarly work, and literature articulating
a “modern” expression of Caitanya’s message.^36
The last quarter of the nineteenth century witnessed the resurgence of
religion in various forms. Renovations were made to temples, pilgrimages
were encouraged, and the festival and ritual life associated with such centers
increased. Often associated with these renovations was the recovery and
publishing of classical literatures in the vernacular languages and the
increased popularity of deities with strong regional ties – such as Ka ̄lı ̄ in
Bengal; Ganes.a and Vit.hoba ̄ in Maharashtra; and Murukan
̄
in Tamil Nadu.
In addition, the religions of folk communities became increasingly visible
as transportation and communication improved. “Folk deities,” such as
Ma ̄riamman
̄
, the goddess of smallpox in Tamil Nadu, were often ascribed
an anti-British mythology. (For example, when a British surveyor came to a
particular village to plan for the construction of a railroad through it,
Ma ̄riamman
̄
is said to have knocked him from his horse and made him
change his plans.^37 ) Increasingly, such temples as those of Ma ̄riamman
̄
were
assigned brahman priests and the “folk” goddess was linked to the classical
tradition. Yet, at the same time, there was, in some quarters (as in Tamil
Nadu), increased anti-brahman sentiment to the point that non-brahman
communities sought to develop a cultic life that could emulate brahmanical
religion without benefit of a brahman priest. By the 1920s, India’s cultic life
had mushroomed geometrically as roads and railroads made pilgrimage
centers more accessible to more common folk. By then, India’s fourth major
surge of bhaktihad taken hold; like its three predecessors, this movement
combined several elements at once: responding to but selectively appro-
priating from alternative options; selectively appropriating indigenous and
180 Streams from the “West” and their Aftermath