mysticism. This model became even more visible in the post-classical period
when we learn of poetesses (e.g., Maha ̄devyakka,Mı ̄ra ̄baı ̄, A ̄n.t.a ̄l) and others
who avoided marriage or normal social interaction in order to “be at the feet
of the lord”.
Ja ̄tior “caste”
Another aspect of lifestyle during this period was the brahmanic attempt
to account for social and cultural diversity. As we have noted, there was a
significant increase in the number of non-vaidikapeoples in cities of the
Gangetic basin, some of them of rural or tribal background. There was a
concomitant increase in the kinds of jobs and occupations held by this
diverse population. Guilds were increasingly representative of these diverse
occupational groups. Further, many of these occupations were passed on
from father to son. Occupation, that is, had become increasingly a matter
of birth (ja ̄ti). Brahmanical attempts to classify these new occupational
groups and communities tried to link them to the older varn.asystem, in
which there had been four categories. In the Manusmr.tiwe find these “new”
communities were to be classified in one of three ways: they resulted from
a mythological intermarriage between two (or more) of the original four
categories; or they “fell” from the level of the twice-born groups because they
had neglected their vaidikarites, and hence, they could theoretically be
reinitiated; or they were simply beyond the pale and not included in
the system – this could be the case with mleccha(barbarians or “outsiders”)
andcan.d.a ̄la(outcasted). In this third grouping, we find the legitimation of
untouchability in the name of maintaining brahmanical ritual purity (see
Manusmr.ti, Chapter 10).
These groups or ja ̄tisclassified in the brahmanic literature, are what
eventually came to be known as “caste.” The term “caste,” a relatively recent
one, is derived from the Portuguese term “casta” and refers to the multiple
strata of Indian society wherein occupation (and relative status) was largely
hereditary. Viewed in its most positive light, “caste” did generally provide
a sense of kinship within a given caste, training for an occupation, and some
degree of reciprocity between “castes” as skills and products were exchanged.
But as an endogamous system, it became increasingly rigid, and social
mobility and intermarriage were discouraged if not forbidden. Those in the
higher circles of society sometimes sought to legitimate their status by
arguing that it was the result of karmafrom past actions as well as a way to
preserve ritual purity and social position in the face of urban pluralism and
the presence of people who engaged in “polluting” occupations. For those
in the lower brackets of society and “outcastes,” however, it meant increas-
ingly not being allowed access to opportunities, social and religious, available
66 The Urban Period