The Soldier of Koléa 1957–1959 99
and that is why I am here. I mean fraternity, because you are
providing us with the magnifi cent sight of men who, right
across the board, whatever communities they come from, are
united in the same ardour, holding each other by the hand.
Well, I take note of all this in the name of France and I declare
that from today, France considers that, throughout Algeria,
there is but one category of inhabitants: there are just people
who are fully French – fully French, with the same rights and
the same duties. This means that we must open paths that,
hitherto, have remained closed to many. It means that we
need to give the means of living to those who did not possess
them. It means that we must recognize the dignity of those
whose dignity was questioned. It means that we need to ensure
that those who doubted whether they had a homeland can be
assured that they do.^10Derrida was clearly ambivalent about de Gaulle. In the French
political context, he felt more to the Left. But for him, as for all
the Jews of Algeria, General de Gaulle was the man who, in 1943,
put an end to the anti-Semitic measures and re-established the
Crémieux Decree. As for the present situation, the ‘de Gaulle at
his best’ whom he mentioned at the end of his letter to Bianco was
doubtless the man who, in the spirit of the 4 June speech, would
enable the diff erent communities living in Algeria to exist together
in a completely transformed country. And indeed, over the next few
months, important reforms were launched, starting with that of the
electoral system, under the direction of Paul Delouvrier, the general
government’s delegate. But at the same time, the French army led by
General Challe was using a ‘steamroller’ strategy to try to crush the
FLN, which, though momentarily weakened, soon rallied. The war
was clearly far from over.
Lucien Bianco and his wife had been very touched by Derrida’s
long letter and the fi rmness of his convictions: ‘For anyone who
knows you, it’s signifi cant and revelatory to hear you saying again
and again: “fascism will not pass!” (I remember your justifi ably
harsh irony when some Communist at the École kept bleating this
slogan on every occasion).’^11 The Biancos would be in Paris for a
few weeks, from 10 July onwards, and suggested putting Marguerite
and Jackie up in their apartment. But this time, it was Lucien’s turn
to be worried: following a bad report, he was threatened with being
sent ‘to an operational unit in Algeria’,^12 ) which would oblige him
to leave his young wife and their baby in France. Derrida would do
all in his power to bring the whole family to Koléa.
Lucien Bianco arrived in Algeria on 1 September 1958 and at fi rst
went to his posting, not far from Constantine. Sickened at having