in the State Department." He then went on to describe his relations to machinery of
policy making: "I would be happy to take responsibility for it [the Rhodesian vote], if you
are looking for somebody to do that, because I am the President's representative to the
United Nations, and the buck stops with some of these things with me. But I don't profess
to be that big a deal that I can say this is the way it is going to be, and that is the way it
happens. But in terms of responsibility for this position, I would be happy to accept it."
Then Bush added: "I do think that there is room for some criticism about the kind of
facelessness of the process, but I would say for these resolutions, or anything that we
have done in terms of policy, whether it is subcontinent, or Middle East, or China, I have
been in accord with these major decisions, and I take the responsibility for them as the
presidentially appointed representative to the United Nations. Yet I sometimes am
frustrated by the machinery, I must say."
One senses that this is Bush's pledge of personal allegiance to the Kissinger policies that
dominated in the areas he mentions, and that his frustration is reserved for the passive
resistance that still from time to time merged from the Rogers State Department. Among
other things, Bush was endorsing the Nixon-Kissinger regime's support for the military
junta of the Greek colonels, a matter which became a minor issue in the 1988 presidential
campaign.
As the former Guyana Foreign Minister Fred Wills has pointed out in several speaking
engagements for the Schiller Institute over recent years, the United States Ambassador to
the United Nations presides over an immense covert apparatus of espionage, arm-
twisting, intimidation, entrapment, and blackmail, all directed against foreign delegates
whom the US is seeking to compromise, bribe, or turn. The gambits habitually employed
in this brutal and squalid game range from baskets of fruit delivered to the hotel rooms
and residences of ambassadors and ministers, to the deployment of a stable of male and
female sex operatives to entrap unwary foreign diplomats, to black-bag operations and
occasional wetwork. It may also be relevant that the Mayor of New York City during
these years was John V. Lindsay, a Yale graduate and Skull and Bones member, with
whom Bush had dealings on matters of police and security policy affecting the UN
diplomatic community.
In the course of the many Congressional investigations of domestic covert operations
during the Watergate period, attention was called to a number of mysterious and unsolved
break-ins related to United Nations functions which took place in the New York area
during the approximate time that George Bush was UN ambassador, which was from
February 1971 until January 1973. These included a break-in at the home of Victor
Rioseco, an economic counselor for the Chilean mission to the United Nations, on
February 10, 1971; a break-in at the home of Humberto Diaz-Casaneuva, the Chilean
Ambassador to the United Nations, on April 5, 1971, and another burglary at the New
York apartment of Javier Urrutia, the chief of the Chilean Development Corporation, on
April 11, 1971. It will be noted that one common denominator of these break-ins was a
targetting of Chilean representatives; the Chilean government at this time was that of
President Salvador Allende Gossens, later toppled by a US-directed coup in September,