imposing cursus honorum, his own powerful Wall Street network, his financial and
banking faction-- all of these would count heavily in his favor. But Nelson, having been
the incarnation of the Eastern Liberal Establishment internationalists against whom
Goldwater had campaigned so hard in 1964, also had a very high negative. People hated
Nelson. His support was considerable, but he had more active opposition than any other
candidate. This meant that Ford had to hesitate in choosing Nelson because of what the
blowback might mean for a probable Ford candidacy in 1976.
The conservative Republicans all regarded Goldwater as their sentimental favorite, but
they also knew that Ford would be reluctant to select him because of a different set of
implications for 1976. Beyond Rockefeller and Goldwater, each a leader of a wing of the
party, the names multiplied: Senator Howard Baker, Elliot Richardson, Governor
William Scranton, Melvin Laird, Senator Bill Brock, Governor Dan Evans, Donald
Rumsfeld, and many others. Bush knew that if he could get Goldwater to show him some
support, the Goldwater conservatives could be motivated to make their influence felt for
Bush, and this might conceivably put him over the top, despite Rockefeller's strength in
the financial and intelligence communities. Part of the battle would be to convince Ford
that Bush would be a bigger asset for 1976.
First Chairman George had to put on the mask of conciliation and moderation. As Nixon
was preparing his departure speech, Bush lost no time in meeting with Ford, now less
than 24 hours away from being sworn in as president. Bush told the press that Ford had
"said he'd be pleased if I stayed on" at the RNC, but had to concede that Ford had given
no indication as to his choice for the vice president. Bush's network in the House of
Representatives, maintained since his Rubbers days, was now fully mobilized, with "a
showing of significant support in the House and among GOP officials" for Bush on the
day before Nixon left town. Bush also put out a statement from the RNC saying, "The
battle is over. Now is the time for kindess...Let us all try now to restore to our society a
climate of civility." But despite the hypocritical kinder and gentler rhetoric, Chairman
George's struggle for power was just beginning. [fn 2]
Melvin Laird soon came out for Rockefeller, and there were sentimental displays for
Goldwater in many quarters. With Bush's network in full career, he was beginning to
attract favorable mention from the columnists. Evans and Novak on August 11 claimed
that "as the new President was sworn in, Rockefeller had become a considerably less
likely prospect than either Senator Howard Baker of Tennessee or George Bush, the
gregarious patrician and transplanted Texan who heads the Republican National
Committee." Columns like this one went on at length about the many disadvantages of
choosing Rockefeller, not the least of which was that he would eclipse Ford.
On August 10, Ford announced that he would poll Republicans at all levels across the
country. Some expressed their preferences directly to the White House, but the
Republican National Committee members had to report their choices through Chairman
George. Many of them, fearing the price they might have to pay for lese majeste,
indicated Bush as their first choice. This matter was the subject of a complaint by Tom