apparatus and volunteers in a number of states. In the 1978, Baker had attempted to get
himself elected attorney general of Texas, but had been defeated. David Keene was
political advisor. As always, no Bush campaign would be complete without Robert
Mosbacher heading up the national finance operation. Mosbacher's experience, as we
have seen, reached back to the Bill Lietdke conveyances to Maurice Stans of the CREEP
in 1972. Teaming up with Mosbacher were Fred Bush in Houston and Jack Sloat in
Washington.
With the help of Baker and Mosbacher, Bush began to set up political campaign
committees that could be used to convoy quasi-legal "soft money" into his campaign
coffers. This is the classic stratagem of setting up political action committees that are
registered with the Federal Election Commission for the alleged purpose of channeling
funds into the campaigns of deserving Republican (or Democratic) candidates. In reality,
almost all of the money is used for the presidential candidate's own staff, office, mailings,
travel, and related expenses. Bush's principal vehicle for this type of funding was called
the Fund for Limited Government. During the first 6 months of 1987, this group collected
$99,000 and spent $46,000, of which only $2,500 went to other candidates. The rest was
in effect spent to finance Bush's campaign preparations. Bush had a second PAC called
the Congressional Leadership Committee, with Senator Howard Baker and Congressman
John Rhodes on the board, which did manage to dole out the princely sum of $500 to
each of 21 GOP office-seekers.
The cash for the Fund for Limited Government came from 54 fat cat contributors, half of
them in Texas, including Pennzoil, Haggar Slacks, McCormick Oil and Gas, Houston Oil
and Minerals, and Texas Instruments. Money also came in from Exxon, McDonnell-
Douglas, and Clairol cosmetics. [fn 12]
Despite the happy facade, Bush's campaign staff was plagued by turmoil and morale
problems, leading to a high rate of turnover in key posts. One who has stayed on all along
has been Jennifer Fitzgerald, a British woman born in 1932 who had been with Bush
since at least Beijing. Fitzgerald later worked in Bush's vice-presidential office, first as
appointments secretary, and later as executive assistant. According to some Washington
wags, she controlled access to Bush in the same way that Martin Bormann controlled
access to Hitler. According to Harry Hurt, among former Bush staffers "Fitzgerald gets
vituperative reviews. She has been accused of bungling the 1980 presidential campaign
by cancelling Bush appearances at factory sites in favor of luncheon club speeches.
Critics of her performance say she misrepresents staff scheduling requests and blocks
access to her boss." "A number of the vice president's close friends worry that 'the
Jennifer problem' --or the appearance of one-- may inihibt Bush's future political career.
'There's just something about her that makes him feel good,' says one trusted Bush
confidant. 'I don't think it's sexual. I don't know what it is. But if Bush ever runs for
president again, I think he's going to have to make a change on that score.'" [fn 13]
Bush formally announced his presidential candidacy on May 1, 1979. One of Bush's
themes was the idea of a "Union of the English-Speaking Peoples." Bush was asked later
in his campaign by a reporter to elaborate on this. Bush stated at that time that "the