72 Science & technology The Economist January 22nd 2022
onesduringyouth.Repairsneed notbe
perfect—just successful enough to keep
theshowontheroad.Anticancermecha
nismsneedtobetiptopforthefirstde
cadesoflife,butcangetslackerwithtime.
Ascantheimmunesystem.Thoughthey
will,nodoubt,buildoutwardfromtheir
starting point, Altos’s researchers will
surelyhavetoincorporatemoreaspectsof
molecularbiologythanthosetheyarebe
ginningwith,inordertocoverthesebases.
The counterargument, put by Dr
Klausnerandhiscolleagues,isthatreset
tingtheclockisa naturalprocess.Ithap
penseverygeneration.The reproductive
cellswhichcreatethesenewgenerations
geta freshstarteachtime.Theyreallydo
returntofactorysettings.Andiftheclock
canberesetforthosecells,whynotothers?
WhetherDrMilner,MrNelsenandtheoth
erswhohavebackedthefirmseea return
ontheirinvestmentwilldepend,aboveall,
ontheanswertothatquestion.Butitwill
befascinatingtoseeit asked.n
Childpsychology
Drools of
attraction
T
hecomplexitiesofhumanrelations
are difficult enough for adults to navi
gate—and they have at least some idea of
the rules. Children have yet to learn those
rules. Infants are, nonetheless, able quick
ly to identify close relationships between
other people, and thus to build up a map of
the social world around them. How they do
this has perplexed sociologists, anthropol
ogists and developmental psychologists
for decades. In a paper just published in
Science, Ashley Thomas of the Massachu
setts Institute of Technology proposes a
partial answer: slobber.
To avoid the sexual connotations of the
word “intimacy”, Dr Thomas and her team
refer to the “thickness” of interactions be
tween infants and adults—borrowing the
term from Avishai Margalit, a philosopher.
Thick relationships involve strong attach
ments, obligations and mutual respon
siveness. One set of cues for thick relation
ships relates to things that involve sharing
saliva: kissing, for example, or the com
mon use of an eating or drinking utensil.
To test whether children interpret sali
vasharing as indicating a thick relation
ship, the researchers recruited two groups
of several dozen youngsters. One was a set
of babies aged between eight and ten
months. The other was a group of toddlers
aged between 16 and 18 months. To avoid
the hazards of covid19, all tests were con
ducted over a video link.
Each child was shown a clip of an adult
interacting with a puppet, followed by a
clip of that puppet in distress while the
same adult, and also a stranger, looked on.
When the interaction in the first clip ap
peared to involve the sharing of saliva—
with puppet and adult portrayed as taking
consecutive bites from an orange—both
sets of children looked mainly at that same
adult in the second clip, and not the strang
er, a reaction interpreted as a belief that the
adult in question would offer comfort to
the puppet. When the interaction in the
first clip was friendly but less thick, such
as passing a ball back and forth, the chil
dren had equal expectations of both adults
when shown the second clip. Saliva shar
ing seems, then, indicative of closeness.
That conclusion was reinforced by sub
sequently replacing the puppet with a dif
ferent one and repeating the second test.
In this case the children showed no consis
tent expectation about which adult would
intervene to relieve the puppet’s distress. It
thus seems to have been the act of sharing
an orange with a specific puppet that trig
gered an expectation of future behaviour,
rather than any inherent characteristics of
the adults involved.
Conducting her experiment by video
enabled Dr Thomas to cast her search for
trial participants beyond Massachusetts.
She nevertheless decided, in this first in
stance, to confine things to the United
States. Future runs, she hopes, will reach
beyond that country’s borders.
The ethnographic literature suggests
salivasharing is a widespread phenome
non. It also makes sense as a signal of inti
macy, for its diseasespreading potential is
obvious and engaging in it therefore indi
cates a high degree of trust between partic
ipants. But seeing how practice variesfrom
place to place (if, indeed, it does),might il
luminate some intriguing details.n
Babies learn about people by looking
at who shares saliva
Thick as thieves
Tropicaldiseases
Resistance
is useless
A
n arms race between pharmacolo
gists and malaria parasites has been
going on since the mid19th century, when
widespread use of quinine began. Few bet
ter illustrations of natural selection exist
than the repeated emergence of resistance
to such drugs. Even artemisinin, the most
recent addition to the arsenal, has already
provoked an evolutionary pushback.
At the moment, working out which
drugs, if any, a particular case of malaria is
resistant to means sending a sample to a
laboratory for a pcrtest. But malaria is
most often a problem in poor countries,
where such laboratories are scarce, and so
is money to pay for tests and to maintain
the machines needed to conduct them. A
better way for doctors and paramedics in
the field to be able to tell, for a particular
patient, which drugs the infection is resis
tant to would thus be welcome. And that
may soon be possible, thanks to work by
Ron Dzikowski and Eylon Yavin of the He
brew University in Jerusalem. As they
write in acsSensors, they have come up
with a trick which they think could be
turned into a cheap and deployable detec
tor for drug resistance.
The term “malaria” covers several simi
lar illnesses caused by singlecelled para
sites of the genus Plasmodium. The deadli
est, Plasmodium falciparum, kills around
600,000 people a year, 80% of them chil
dren under five. Dr Dzikowski and Dr Yavin
therefore focused their attention on this.
They knew from research by others that
many of the drugresistant traits in P. falci-
A field test for drug-resistant malarial
parasites will help save lives
Little bleeder