other substances. Polydrug use, a common pattern of behaviour among ravers (see
Adlaf and Smart 1997; Boys et al. 1997; Forsyth 1996; Pedersen and Skrondal
1999; Topp et al. 1999) presents another factor contributing to the inability to
operationalize the content and dosage of substances ingested and the specific cause
of drug-related deaths. These circumstances also fail to elucidate general patterns of
use since the majority of serious cases demonstrate blood levels 40 times higher than
the average recreational dose (Kalant 2001:924). Overheating and dehydration are
additional factors that complicate the epidemiological data. Post-mortem analyses of
ecstasy-attributed deaths suggest that many cases are the result of hyperthermia
rather than the direct toxicity from MDMA (Measham et al. 1998:25). Much of the
literature in the Canadian context has also relied on data obtained from samples
directed toward the secondary-school population (see Adlaf and Smart 1997). These
patterns of use cannot be generalized to the rave population as a whole, however,
since most rave attendees fall into the post-secondary age bracket. For example, our
survey results revealed 62 per cent of ravers to be over the age of 20 (Takahashi and
Olaveson 2003).
Our study also found that psychoactive substance use was prevalent among those
sampled: 81 per cent reported regular drug use at raves, 6 per cent reported
occasional use and 13 per cent indicated that they abstain (ibid.). While a variety of
substances were reported, ecstasy was the most frequently reported substance, at 67
per cent, followed by cannabis and crystal methamphetamine (ibid.). Ecstasy, LSD
(Lysergic acid diethlamide) and the amphetamines appear to have the most
consistent international presence. A number of other studies illustrate that regional
variation exists in the patterns of drug use at raves. For example, Power et al. (1996)
cite MDMA, LSD and amphetamine sulphate as the drugs of choice among a group
of London youths examined. Amphetamine and MDMA use are also cited as the
drugs of choice by Forsyth (1996) in the Scottish dance scene. Forsyth lists nitrates
or ‘poppers’ with amphetamines and ecstasy as the most prevalent drugs among
London youths, whereas ‘poppers’ seem to have a very minor presence in the
Canadian rave scene to date. In our own study, references to a homemade
concoction referred to as ‘peach’ were reported only by survey respondents sampled
in Quebec.^6
Weir (2000) and Weber (1999) note that alcohol use at Canadian raves is low,
attributing this to the fact that, while it loosens inhibitions, it can also generate
aggression amongst participants. For this reason, the general view among ravers is that
alcohol has no place in the scene. Our survey data also confirmed this. According to
one 22-year-old male, ‘having alcohol there changes everything, I’ve seen a lot more
people get sick and lose control from drinking—at raves there’s a lot less incidents
of people getting sick or hurt’. Females also attributed the ‘non-sexual’ atmosphere
at raves to the absence of alcohol and felt this to be a positive feature of the rave
environment.
146 MELANIE TAKAHASHI