and north Africa all relied on local Jewish authorities’ determination of the dates of
Passover for their Greco-Roman Jewish communities in order to establish annually
the date for Easter. Later, when this manner of determining Easter was declared
unseemly for Christians, some Christians continued to determine the date of Easter
with reference to local practice by Jews of Passover (a Christian heresy, of course).
The observance by Greco-Roman Diaspora Jews of the holy days of the biblical
Day of Remembrance and Trumpeting (later renamed “New Year”) and the Day of
Atonement is also well attested, although the best evidence is from the late empire.
John Chrysostom, when a presbyter in late fourth-century Antioch, admonishes his
(Gentile) Christians who are wont to go to the local synagogue(s) to celebrate with
the Jews the New Year, the Day of Atonement, and the Feast of Booths (Meeks and
Wilken 1978: 85–127).
Celebration by Diaspora Jews of the Feast of Esther, commemorating the story
narrated in the biblical Book of Esther, is also attested. However, again evidence
from non-Jewish sources dates from the century following the Christianization of
the Roman empire (Linder 1987). Roman authorities (now Christian) perceive a
possible mocking of Christ in the Jewish practice of hanging effigies of Haman (the
arch-villain of the story) during the feast.
The biblical literature and communal prayer
The Torah’s mode of communal service to YHWH is sacrifice in YHWH’s one and
only Temple in Jerusalem. With few notable exceptions (for example, the temple of
Onias in Greco-Roman Egypt), Diaspora Jews observed the interdiction against
sacrificing to YHWH outside of the Jerusalem Temple. As synagogue prayer services
developed, it is evident that the biblical texts functioned as sources for these devel-
opments. I have already noted the public reading of the Torah and prophets in Greek
translation, and a sermon-study session explicating the readings of the day formed
one cornerstone of the synagogue ritual on Sabbaths, festivals, and other occasions.
As I stated earlier, the Book of Acts (see 13, 14. 1, 15. 21, 17. 1–2, 18. 4, 18. 24 – 6,
- maintains that Paul exploited this practice to preach the Gospel to the Jews;
according to Acts, as a visiting Jewish sage attending Diaspora synagogue rites, he
would permit himself to be honored by acceding to requests to deliver the sermon-
study session. Whether or how often this happened we cannot say; perhaps, it is
part of Acts’ Tendenzthat the Gospel was first offered to, and rejected by, the Jews
before being offered to the Gentiles. But the Book of Acts, nevertheless, assumes
that scriptural readings from the Torah and Prophets, followed by a scriptural lesson,
form a cornerstone of Greco-Roman Jewish synagogue rites.
Much later in the sixth century, the now-Christian Roman emperor had to intervene
to ensure the Diaspora Jews’ right to use Greek and Latin in the public readings of
scriptures in the synagogue (and in prayer), as Palestinian or Palestinian-oriented Jews
had begun advocating the exclusive use of Hebrew (Linder 1987: no. 66)
Since the formal reading of scriptures in the synagogue service took place in Greek,
it is safe to conclude that public prayer was conducted in Greek as well, drawing
heavily on biblical texts to fashion the liturgy. The Psalms, originating from, and in
- maintains that Paul exploited this practice to preach the Gospel to the Jews;
Roman Diaspora Judaism 365