the spectators at the games, which had been held for Maxentius on the day before
the decisive battle, had chanted “Constantinus invictus” (Lact. DMP 44.7; cf.
Panegyrici latini12 [9].15.4, 26.5). Thus Constantine also celebrated his victory
after his triumphant entry into the city with games in the Circus Maximus.
By erecting the martyrs’ churches Constantine wished to reach the Christians of
Rome through popular celebrations of victory, since the annual assemblies honor-
ing the martyrs were held there. The “basilicas” were considered to be official
public buildings and served to hold Mass in honor of the Christian god who had been
accepted by the emperor. All services included a prayer for the emperor. It could be
seen as a disadvantage that the martyrs’ churches were sited on the periphery; yet
the desire to celebrate the particularly Christian kind of victor in the martyrs held
greater importance (Const. Imp. Or. ad sanct.12.3). Nothing could elevate the
victor Constantine more than being commemorated as the imperial founder of the
churches during the martyrs’ commemorations. These were celebrations of victory
during which light-colored clothes were worn as a sign of joy: the appropriate frame-
work for soliciting the Christians’ loyalty to one’s own claim to rule through
setting in context the victory.
Rome possessed more martyrs than other cities, which could only help to pro-
mote the myth of Constantine’s victory. The list of martyrs of the calendar of 354
displays around 35 names of martyrs who were venerated at the respective catacomb
on almost 20 days during the year on their name-day, although the calendar appears
to have omitted a number of martyrs. Together with the depositio episcoporum(list
of bishops) it apparently lists those days on which the bishop of Rome, with his
clerics and the city’s congregation, met every year at each martyr’s cemetery (on days
of more than one martyr a choice had to be made). The list continues a practice
which had been established from at least the mid-third century, but in its present
form it may have been compiled as late as under bishop Miltiades (311–14) or Silvester
(314 –35), as festive celebrations of Mass in the cemeteries, which in principle were
open to all, had become possible under Constantine.
It is striking that the Easter calendar of the Chronograph of 354 begins in the
year 312. Constantine, who saw in Christ the “brighter sun” and the truly invincible
god (Or. ad sanct.1.1, 15.4) and rejected pagan celebrations, appears to have been
the driving force behind the calendar of martyrs (cf. Eus. Vita Constantini4.23).
Since the martyrs’ calendar starts with Christmas on December 25, its beginning
coincides with the (new?) pagan celebration of the invincible Sun-god. This gave
the martyr’s calendar the character of a true cycle of celebrations: the day of the
invincible Christian god, which was celebrated in St. Peter with good reason
(Ambrosius, De virginitate3.1), thus became the founding celebration of the vic-
torious martyrs. It may be that Constantine himself introduced the celebration of
Christmas with this intention (cf. Wallraff 2001: 182).
Maxentius created the circus at the Via Appia where he resided. Constantine sur-
passed him by establishing halls of victory for the martyrs along the main routes in
and out of Rome. He also endowed them richly, allowing the poor to receive food
on the commemorative days of the martyrs (cf. Const. Imp. Or. ad sanct.12.5), in
the same way as the decorative images on the Arch of Constantine proclaimed his
The Romanness of Roman Christianity 417