meanings than those of their Western peers (Li, 2002a). Converging evidence
also indicates that, instead of viewing ability as an invariant dispositional
quality of a person, Asian learners regard the self as malleable, capable of im-
provement through one’s effort (Heine et al, 2001). However, effort (Chinese
attach the term personal to it, so personal effort to indicate that it is a
dispositional quality of a person) is not seen as an unstable, situation-
dependent factor, but a personal quality that one always needs and exerts for
any learning task regardless of the situation (Hau & Salili, 1991; Li, 2002a).
Finally, Asian children’s development of their differing beliefs in ability and
effort also charts a divergent path. Preschool children appear to share with
their Western peers similar beliefs about nonability factors to account for
achievement (e.g., effort and good learning behavior) as enabling one to
achieve (Li & Wang, in press). However, unlike their Western peers who may
diverge from their early concepts, older Asian children develop even stronger
beliefs in those nonability factors (Biggs, 1996; Li & Yue, 2003; Stevenson,
1992).
With regard to intrinsic versus extrinsic motivation, it has been assumed
and empirically tested in the West that intrinsic motivation promotes learn-
ing and achievement whereas extrinsic motivation undermines them. This is
so because extrinsic rewards can be perceived as a means of control, thus
threatening one’s sense of agency and autonomy (deCharms, 1968; Deci &
Ryan, 1985). Although there is research on different forms of intrinsic moti-
vation, most empirical research has focused on the human need to make
choices and to be autonomous in learning and achievement situations in or-
der to exercise personal control. Accordingly, when experiencing personal
choice and autonomy, Western learners show more engagement, better per-
formance, and more creativity in learning (Hennessey & Amabile, 1998;
Lepper & Malone, 1987). Conversely, when experiencing lack of choice and
autonomy, learners suffer from detrimental effects on those learning out-
comes (Conti, Amabile, & Pollack, 1995; Deci & Ryan, 1985).
While intrinsic motivation continues to enjoy its across-cultural efficacy
and appeal, some recent research has cast double on its universal applicabil-
ity. Iyengar and Lepper (1999) found that personal choice may not be as es-
sential to Asian-American children’s intrinsic motivation, due to their social
orientation. Euro-American children consistently showed their strongest in-
trinsic motivation for academic enjoyment, learning, and performance as a
function of personal choice. By contrast, Asian-American children showed
strongest motivation for these same outcomes not as a function of their own
choice but those made by their trusted others such as mothers and class peers.
Yu and Yang also argue that Chinese achievement motivation is primarily
socially rather than individually oriented (Yu, 1996; Yu & Yang, 1994),
which echoes a more general distinction between self-oriented versus other-
oriented learning (Bransford, Brown, & Cocking, 2000).
390 LI AND FISCHER