Confucian persuasion is not limited to academic learning but more impor-
tantly social and moral learning, respect toward knowledge and teachers
(that ideally embody the self-perfecting process) is sensible and expected.
However, this general attitude of respect among Asian learners has been
taken as a sign of obedience and lack of critical thinking (Keats, 1982; Tweed
& Lehman, 2002). As discussed earlier, this is a misunderstanding (Inagaki et
al., 1998; Li, 2003a; Pratt et al., 1999). Asian learners’ deference toward
teachers does not stem from their fear or blind acceptance of authority but
from their deep sense of humility. Instead of treating humility as a personal
weakness, they regard it a personal strength and courage because those who
are humble are willing to self-examine, admit their inadequacies, and self-
improve. Moreover, humility also leads one to want to learn from others re-
gardless of their social status. Therefore, respect and humility go hand in
hand. In these processes, one’s ego or self-esteem generated by lack of compe-
tence is not seriously threatened and in need of protection as may be the case
among U.S. learners (Brickman & Bulman, 1977; Ruble et al., 1994). Chinese
learners believe that one can always self-improve so long as one learns hum-
bly and respectfully from others (Li & Wang, in press).
Respondents wrote that “one needs to respect one’s teachers because one
has something to learn from them” and “she’d listen to her teachers; then
she’d apply what she learned in real life, which may lead her to discover new
problems. Then she’d go back to her teachers and raise questions; she’d learn
from everyone humbly.”
As alluded to earlier, Chinese learners’ respect and humility may be very
different from U.S. learners’ challenging attitude, especially in the form of
immediate verbal exchange in the midst of a class or a discussion. It was gen-
erally the case that Chinese respondents made few references to such chal-
lenging attitudes toward teachers and experts even though their model learn-
ers did engage in discussions and debates with their peers. However, as
mentioned earlier, this does not mean that Chinese learners do not challenge.
In fact, many respondents wrote that challenging old knowledge or advanc-
ing new knowledge was an important goal for learners in the end. Yet one is
reluctant to engage in challenges until one has thoroughly understood the
knowledge in question or mastered one’s field. This finding concurs with the
finding by Pratt et al. (1999). Still, as Liu Xiang’s story illustrates, a learned
person in Chinese culture is enabled, dignified, and legitimized to challenge
the otherwise powerful, despite his or her powerless status (de Bary, 1983).
Chinese learners understand this cultural spirit well and use it judiciously.
For achievement, Chinese learners generally do not display pride although
they may be happy themselves (Li, 2002a). This tendency is different from
their U.S. peers who usually feel proud of themselves and like to share their
joy with others (Mascolo, Fischer, & Li, 2003). Chinese model learners were
described as feeling a need to remain calm and humble. Related to the forgo-
410 LI AND FISCHER