paimio sanatorium

(Jacob Rumans) #1

as the concept was in all likelihood completely new to the latter in this context. The


architect created a large number of standard drawings in conjunction with the design


work for Paimio Sanatorium, a practice that the contract thus legitimised. Some of the


standards were enclosed with the application addressed to the State Medical Board,


based on which the state authority decided to grant the permit and funding for the


project. Comparing the standards can be likened to the laboratory practice described


by Latour, in which the problem is isolated and resolved in a protected environment,


governed by the researcher alone.^1014


Aalto’s intention behind this course of action was to bring an interesting phe-


nomenon into his own designer’s studio and under his scrutiny, so that he could work


it the way he wanted to and eventually design standards that could enter industrial


production, an interpretation that has only grown more convincing in the course of


my investigation into Aalto’s tactics as the chief supervisor of Paimio Sanatorium


acquisitions and purchases. Latour’s thesis of the locality of knowledge and knowl-


edge management seems to be highly accurate.^1015


Although Aalto annexed the standards as part of the overall design, his aim was not,


in my estimation, to create a standard sanatorium, as referred to by Göran Schildt. Aalto’s


standards were rather more linked with construction and housing on a more general level,


and they could be adopted in a variety of buildings. Some of the standard drawings that


Aalto designed as part of the Paimio Sanatorium project, especially those for the sash


windows with German annotations, were never even intended to be used in the sanato-


rium, and were related to other, more general aspirations.


The winning competition entry showed that Aalto was capable of taking the objec-


tives of the clients, that is, the federation of municipalities and the State Medical Board,


which oversaw the construction work, and turn them into action in consensus with his


own objectives. Aalto was keen to make sure that the progress of his hospital project was


reported by the press in a positive light. A delegation from the 1932 Nordic Building


Forum, held in Helsinki, also paid a visit to the hospital building site. Aalto became a


the visible innovator, while the collective who had contributed in an essential way to the


project did not actively appear in the publicity, although some of them were indeed men-


tioned. The project presentations in Arkkitehti (The Finnish Architectural Journal) did


not include information about any other designer’s innovative solutions for the hospital.


In a Latourian reading, the collective became visible through its innovator, which


was enough for the audience. In this way, the modern reinforced concrete structure


improved the value of Alvar Aalto’s personal currency in the eyes of his peers. The other


actors and the crucial input were forgotten. The credit for the success, which was the


result of the work by the entire collective, went to Aalto alone.


Latour would talk about the achievements of the collective referring to the individ-


ual’s name, while he would point out that the collective comprised of entities belonging


1014 See Latour 1999a [1982], pp. 141–170.
1015 Latour 1999a [1982], p. 167; Lehtonen 2000, p. 281.
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