The two-party system 59
reflected in, and work through, the political structures that alone can recon-
cile these potentially conflicting forces. The political structures of the United
States are likely therefore to be as complex as the diversity of American
political attitudes suggests. We find in fact that the party system, the elec-
toral system and the complex of interest groups – the three basic structures
through which politica1 attitudes are transmitted to the decision-making in-
stitutions of government – reflect these different styles of political thought
and behaviour. Thus the party system is expressive of the sectional, regional
characteristics of the American polity to a very high degree. At the same
time, the parties can reflect class and pluralistic interests because of the way
in which the electoral system enables strongly marked regional groupings,
such as the urban areas of the East or the farmers of the Mid-West, to gain
representation. The electoral system, through the complex machinery of
American elections, allows the individualistic elements in American politics
full expression, particularly through the system of primary elections. Finally,
the interest group structure is the vehicle par excellence for the articulation
of group demands, including those with a marked sectional or class bias.
American government is divided government, and the fragmented
structure of the political parties reflects this fact, but the parties must also
transcend these divisions for certain purposes, and above all for the purpose
of electing the president. The electoral machinery and party organisation
differ from state to state, from county to county and from city to city. In
some areas political organisations have been highly developed and efficient.
Thus in Michigan the political activity of the automobile workers’ union (the
United Auto Workers) resulted in what John H. Fenton has described as ‘is-
sue-oriented’ politics. As a consequence, politics became more ideological,
and voting behaviour in the legislature was more disciplined than in other
states. The statement of political principles made by Michigan’s Democratic
Governor Jennifer Granholm in 2006 could almost be the manifesto of New
Labour in Britain:
I’m a proud Democrat because our party has the right economic plan
and the right priorities for Michigan. We fight for jobs, because a good
job is the foundation of a good life. We fight for education, because we
believe every child should have the opportunity to succeed. We fight for
health care, because we know there are too many people in our state who
don’t have it and can’t afford it. We fight to preserve our middle class way
of life, because it’s a way of life our families have worked so hard to build.
We’re a party with a plan and we’re putting it to work for our families.
At the other extreme, party organisation may be almost non-existent
as a continuing factor in the political process. At each election the candi-
dates in such areas create their own organisations, gathering around them
friends and supporters to conduct their campaigns. Indeed, this creation of
campaign organisations on an ad hoc basis to fight elections is by no means