The Dictionary of Human Geography

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Suggested reading
Critchley (1999); Derrida (1976, 2002); Royle
(2000).


deduction A form of reasoning which – as
thereverseofthesequencedeployedin
induction– moves from the general to the
particular. It takes what is known (or
assumed) as given, and deduces possible con-
sequences from those axioms. In an empirical
situation – which is the normal context for the
application of deductive reasoning inhuman
geography– the deductions are normally
expressed as hypotheses, statements of
expectations on the basis of prior knowledge.
Formal procedures are then deployed to test
the validity/falsifiability of those statements
(cf.falsification), most of which involve the
‘scientific methods’ normally associated with
positivism. (See alsoabduction.) rj


Suggested reading
Harvey (1969).


deep ecology A radical form ofenviron-
mentalismthat argues that naturehas an
inherent right to exist, that humans are part
of nature and that our ecological awareness
comes from experiencing ourselves within
nature (Devall and Sessions, 1985). Deep
ecology is both a philosophy and a practice
associated with the Westernenvironmental
movement. Although it draws on earlier
ideas, the term emerged when the Danish
philosopher Arne Naess (1973) distinguished
between ‘shallow’ and ‘deep’ ecology. The
former approach was seen as technocentric,
anthropocentric and reformist. In contrast,
deep ecology has emerged and developed
as aphilosophythat is ecocentric; advocates
dismantling the dominant socio-economic
systems through which humans appropriate
nature; and argues for biocentric equality, so
that the desire by humans to dominate nature
is eliminated in favour of humans, as one
species, living in nature. Humans, like other
species, must respect nature’s limits and
thresholds in order for all forms of life to live
on a sustainable basis.
There is diversity in both the thought and
practice of deep ecology. The practice includes
very radical, single-issue, deep ecology organ-
izations such as the Animal Liberation Front,
which is dedicated toanimalwelfare, through
violenceand other means if necessary, and
groups such as Earth First!, which was pro-
moted as theactivistversion of deep ecology.


In addition to local site-defence groups, the
philosophy has also influenced formally organ-
ized activist organizations and Green political
parties in many developed countries (Luke,
2002). Within geography, while there has been
more engagement with deep ecology by
human geographers, Haigh (2002) advocates
that deep ecology guide the teaching, research
and practice ofphysical geography.
Deep ecology has been critiqued as roman-
ticism, fundamentally flawed in its conception
of non-human parts of nature having intrinsic
value, andanti-humanistin its approach (this
was a major debate in the 1980s with social
ecologists led by Murray Bookchin). Deep
ecology has also been critiqued for its inability
to distinguish between different parts of
humanity (men and women, rich and poor,
different cultural beliefs and practices) and
its celebration of outdoor experiences in
nature, which Luke (2002) labelled ‘sports-
personism’ and claimed was a potentially
dangerous form of ‘utopianecologism’. The
danger partly arises from the lack of a transition
strategy in deep ecology, other than individual
action, to move from the present situation to a
future deep ecology state of ‘harmony’ with
nature (Luke, 2002). Despite the critiques,
deep ecology has been influential and cannot
be ignored. It has encouraged a wider appreci-
ation of nature and modern humanity’s often
destructive relations with it. pm

defensible space A concept associated with
Oscar Newman (1972, 1996), who identified
modernist design of high-rise buildings in
‘park-like’ settings as a key factor increasing
residents’ vulnerability to crime. Studying
crime statistics for public housing in New
York City, he argued that crimes such as rape
increased dramatically in anonymous interior
public spaces. He argued that high-density
housing can be safe if designed according to
principles of defensible space, which allow
residents to claim territory, provide
opportunities for resident self-surveillance,
reduce the stigma and isolation of public hous-
ing, and connect public housing to other safe
spaces by orienting buildings to public streets
rather than interior pathways. These ideas
were taken up and tested more rigorously in
the UK by Coleman (1985), and have been
extended into situational crime prevention pro-
grams such as Crime Prevention Through
EnvironmentalDesign(CPTED)andSafe
Cities Programs (Wekerle and Whitzman,
1995). These more recent programmes focus
on public space (rather than the semi-public

Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_D Final Proof page 149 1.4.2009 3:15pm

DEFENSIBLE SPACE
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