The Dictionary of Human Geography

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dissidents who were sceptical of its ability to
address what they regarded as more important
questions. On one side, Harvey claimed that
‘those who have stuck with modelling since
those heady days have largely been able to do
so by restricting the nature of the questions
they ask’. To Cosgrove, modelling was the
quintessential expression of highmodernism,
and the privilege it accorded to abstraction,
functionality, generalization and simplicity
was altogether incapable of responding to the
challenge ofdifferencein a late modern,
evenpostmodern, world. On the other side
were a large number of unrepentant spatial
scientists who had no time for such concerns,
and who reaffirmed their faith in the central,
instrumentalimportance of formal model-
ling. The publication of these exchanges
two years later, as Remodelling geography
(Macmillan, 1989) coincided with a radically
different collection edited by R. Peet and N.
Thrift entitledNew models in geography(1989).
Their subtitle indicated a tectonic shift in the
foundations of model-building: ‘the political-
economy perspective’ signalled a range of dif-
ferent approaches that had a common ground-
ing in various forms ofpolitical economy,
critical social theoryandhistorical mat-
erialism. Partly as a consequence, the original
claim for analytical model-building as the cen-
tral object of geographical enquiry was displa-
cedandeffortsweredirectedtowardsmethods
as means rather than ends in themselves.
Since then, however, the prospectus
advanced by Haggett and Chorley has been
renewed in two ways. First, model-building
had been advanced as (at least in part) a solu-
tion to an exploding data matrix: the architects
of the model-basedparadigm insisted that
geographers had no choice but to move
beyond the accumulation of ‘facts’ that had
reduced their field to an endlessly enlarging
global gazetteer, with no clear logic of selec-
tion or organization. Since then, however, the
development of electronic modes of data stor-
age and retrieval, analysis and display – most
visibly through geographic information
systems– has provided much more sophisti-
cated algorithms for data management. Sec-
ond, model-building was originally advertised
as a necessary moment in the ‘puzzle-solving’
activity required for the inauguration of a new,
properly scientific, paradigm for geographical
enquiry: ‘That there is more order in the world
than appears at first sight,’ Haggett and Chor-
ley reminded their readers, ‘is not discovered
till the order is looked for.’ Since then, many
human geographers have been drawn to

forms of cultural and social theory that insist
on the radical non-innocence of just ‘looking’,
and non-representational theory, post-
structuralismandscience studies(among
others) have directed attention towards the
ways in which ideas and images enter directly
into the very constitution – the ‘ordering’ – of
the world. dg

modernism Strategies of representation
closely identified with late-nineteenth- and
twentieth-century movements in the arts that
challenged the conventions of romanticism
andrealism. There are many modernisms,
but Lunn (1985) identified four common
preoccupations:

(1) Aesthetic self-consciousness. ‘Modern art-
ists, writers and composers often draw
attention to the media or materials with
which they are working’ and in doing so
emphasize that their work is a fabrication
in the literal sense of ‘something made’;
they thus seek to escape from the idea of
art as a direct reflection of the world
(cf.mimesis).
(2) Simultaneity and juxtaposition. Modern-
ism often disrupts, weakens or dissolves
temporal structure in favour of simultan-
eity: different perspectives are often juxt-
aposed within the same frame or narrative.
(3) Paradox, ambiguity and uncertainty. Mod-
ernism often explores ‘the paradoxical
many-sidedness of the world’: instead of
an omniscient narrator, for example,
modernist writers may use multiple
points of view.
(4) The demise of the centred subject. Modern-
ism often exposes and disrupts the fiction
of the sovereign individual or the ‘inte-
grated subject’.

Modernism did not emerge in a vacuum: it
was a critical response to a series of crises
within capitalistmodernity. Its coordinates
included: the explosive growth of modern cit-
ies and the radical transformation of their
built forms, economies and cultures; the
restructuring of Europeancapitalism, espe-
cially through the Agricultural Depression at
the end of the nineteenth century and the
intensified technical changes brought about
by a new round ofindustrialization; the ag-
gressive advance of Europeancolonialism
andimperialism; and the turbulence of the
First World War and the Russian Revolution.
This mapping has three implications of direct
relevance tohuman geography:

Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_M Final Proof page 469 1.4.2009 3:19pm

MODERNISM
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