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famously described in 1977, for example, as
‘little more than the meeting place for repre-
sentatives of disunited states’ (Seton-Watson,
1977). It is scarcely surprising, therefore,
that today, while we have by no means arrived
at the end of the nation-state, as business-class
globalists advertise (e.g. Ohmae, 1995), we
are seeing nation and state being pulled
apart in the context of recent rounds of
globalization.
Macro forms of state-making are increasingly
becoming transnational in their scale of organ-
ization in concert with the entrenchment of
neo-liberalismas the dominant free-market
model of governance (Peet, 2003; Harvey,
2005). Meanwhile, micro models of neo-liberal
governmentalitythat promote entrepreneur-
ial forms ofsubjectivityand benchmarking
approaches to place-making come together in
context-contingent ways with global market
forces to create newassemblagesofidentity,
affiliation andcitizenshipthat are no longer so
clearly bound-up in the nation-state (Mitchell,
2004a; Ong and Collier, 2005). If the nation-
state is not dead, it is clear that it is being
remade in different ways in different places by
both roll-out and roll-back forms of neo-liber-
alism; it is becoming redefined as the managed
mediator of neo-liberalhegemony(Peck and
Tickell, 2002): on the one hand, a relentless
enforcer of free trade rules and neo-liberal
governancein arenas ranging from land man-
agement to regional development to workfare to
the warfare of the coalition of the billing; and,
on the other hand, a bulwark of the status quo
and an excuse for business as usual when
non-neo-liberal visions of development, debt
relief, women’s rights and environmental
protection are proposed at transnational and
subnational scales (Public Citizen, 2007).
Meanwhile, social relations and identifications
are themselves also becoming remade and
re-territorialized by the globalizing forces. The
acceleratedflowsof tourists, migrants, money,
information, movies, sports and news pro-
grammes are challenging the old printmediaof
national consciousness, and turning the hyphen
in nation-state into more of an index of disjunc-
ture (Appadurai, 1996). All these changes have
not (notwithstanding Hardt and Negri, 2000)
led to the complete eclipse of the nation-state by
a new global empire, but they have led to the
withering of the national state as an institutional
enabler of nationaldemocracy, and they have
therefore made the search for new transnational
convergence spaces for of democracy all the
more urgent (Routledge, 2003: see alsotrans-
nationalism). ms
natural resources Conventionally, this term
refers to biophysical materials that satisfy
human wants and provide direct inputs to
human well-being. The term may, however,
be defined more broadly to include any com-
ponent of the non-human world that performs
a socially valuable function. Natural resources
are the product of geological, hydrological and
biological processes: the adjective ‘natural’
denotes this locationanteriorto human labour.
It is for this reason that classicalpolitical
economydescribed as ‘gifts ofnature’ the
raw materials and productive energies of the
non-human world.
A distinctive vocabulary is available for dif-
ferentiating the qualities and properties of a
vast range of natural resources. A primary dis-
tinction is between exhaustible (stock) and
renewable (flow) resources, based on the
potential of different biophysical materials to
regenerate (see figure). For stock resources, a
secondary distinction is between materials that
are consumed by use and cannot be recovered
(such as fuels) and those that may be recycled
(most applications of metals). Flow resources
may be subdivided according to whether use
of the resource subtracts from the amount
and/or quality of the resource base: for so-
called ambient resources, use of the resource
degrades neither the amount nor quality (e.g.
solar radiation, wind, waves). For other flow
resources, there is a threshold beyond which
further consumption exceeds the capacity of
the resource to regenerate: these ‘critical zone’
resources can be ‘mined’ to depletion/extinc-
tion (e.g. ground water, fish, game species).
Basic distinctions such as these have under-
pinned the development of differentmodelsfor
managing renewable and non-renewable re-
sources (seeresource management). Recent
developments in the biological sciences and
the so-called ‘newecology’, however, have
thrown into question many of the assumptions
that underlie these models, and have drawn
attention to the non-linear behaviour of many
ecological systems and their capacity for
‘surprise’ (Botkin, 1990). At the same time,
environmental economics has re-framed
many of the questions surrounding natural
resources in terms of the management of
‘ecological capital,’ a new vocabulary that
facilitates the commensurability of the non-
human world.
From both an historical and a philosophical
perspective, ‘natural resources’ are a significant
misnomer. First, the practices ofexploration,
surveying,measurementand experimentation
by which natural resources come to be known
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_N Final Proof page 490 31.3.2009 3:13pm Compositor Name: ARaju
NATURAL RESOURCES