The Dictionary of Human Geography

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with each other and against others in ways that
generate highly potent lines of demarcation.
While Sibley’s (1995) account draws primarily
on object relations psychoanalysis, Robert
Wilton (2003) draws on Freud’s concept of
castration together with Lacan’s reworking to
explore how the geographical exclusion of dis-
abled people may serve to shore up illusions of
‘ableism’ (cf.disability). Lacanian readings of
Freud are also evident in geographical accounts
of topics such asracism(Nast, 2000) and
embodied experiences of cities (Pile, 1996).
A product of nineteenth-century European
culture, Freud hypothesized that the repressed
unconscious contains much material of a sex-
ual nature, which would be highly disruptive if
allowed to break through into consciousness.
He argued that in order to grow up in socially
acceptable ways, boys and girls were called
upon to repress their ‘natural’, sexual (or libid-
inal) desires. Normative heterosexual mascu-
linity and femininity were theorized by Freud
as demanding psychical achievements.
Although aspects of his theories ofgender
and sexual identity have been highly contro-
versial, his approach has also been welcomed
as a resource for challenging assumptions
about what is ‘natural’, and for elaborating a
theory of subjectivity as situated in a zone of
creative interplay between the ‘personal’ and
the ‘cultural’. For this reason, some feminist
geographers have turned to psychoanalysis in
their theorizations of the interplay between
gender, sexuality, subjectivity and space,
and to contribute to critiques of the ‘mascu-
linism’ of dominant forms of knowledge
(Rose, 1996; Nast, 2000: seefeminist geog-
raphies). Against critics who consider psycho-
analysis to be an intrinsically individualistic
theory and practice, these applications find
that it offers a powerful way of understanding
how social and cultural milieux are embodied
and personalized by human individuals, as
well as how unconscious aspects of human life
are manifest in the social world. lb

Suggested reading
Bondi (2005); Callard (2003); Craib (1990);
Sibley (2003).

psychogeography The ‘study of the precise
laws and specific effects of the geographic
environment, consciously organized or not,
on the emotions and behavior of individuals’,
according to Guy Debord (1981 [1955], p. 5).
Psychogeography is typically traced back to
this definition, and to the activities of Debord
and members of the Letterist International in

1950s Paris, for whom it was a means of
exploring urban spaces andeveryday life,
and who established it as a key concern of
the earlysituationists. Yet the definition’s
academic tone belies its politicized and playful
engagement with cities, as a way of challenging
dominant representations and practices, and
seeking to change urban spaces and life as part
of a revolutionary project. Psychogeography
combined a conscious and political analysis
of urban ambiences with experiments in ludic
behaviour, principally throughde ́rivesor drifts
on foot, and included the construction of
‘psychogeographic maps’ that challenged the
values of dominantcartographies.
The term was independently employed by
geographers engaged in politically motivated
versions of environmental psychology in the
late 1960s, especially at Clark University in
Massachusetts, including David Stea and
Denis Wood (Wood, 1987). While influential
on subsequent work in environmental psych-
ology (see alsomental maps), that usage has
been relatively sidelined in the recent resur-
gence of interest in psychogeography since
the 1990s that has taken more inspiration
from the terminology, if not always the polit-
ics, of the situationists. Much interest has been
literary, involving the tracing of a longer trad-
ition of imaginative and wayward urban
exploration, especially in London and Paris,
though writers such as William Blake, Thomas
de Quincey and Charles Baudelaire, and the
surrealists around Andre ́ Breton (see also
fla^neur /fla^ nerie). Contemporary heirs of
this visionary tradition include Iain Sinclair,
whose peripatetic investigations of London,
especially its East End, have done much to
popularize the term ‘psychogeography’
(Coverley, 2006).
Contemporary artists and urban explorers
have also embraced the term in their engage-
ments with emotional and psychic spaces,
through urban interventions as well as new
media (Pinder, 2005a). Recent years have fur-
ther seen a proliferation of psychogeographical
associations or organizations in Europe and
North America, whose investigations ofplaces
have typically been drawn by the marginal,
hiddenandforgotten,andwhosenetworking
has been facilitated by theinternet(and docu-
mented in journals such asTransgressions, 1995–
2001). As psychogeography has moved increas-
ingly into the mainstream, much of its early
radical political edge has been lost. Yet its
political ambitions as well as humour and idio-
syncracies are also finding new and at times
challenging modes of expression. dp

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PSYCHOGEOGRAPHY
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