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as the founding of the World Bank in 1944.
The modern World Bank contains two institu-
tions: the International Bank for Recons-
truction and Development (IBRD) and the
International Development Association
(IDA). The IBRD made the first World Bank
loan: $250 million to France in May 1947 for
the reconstruction of its war-torn economy.
The IBRD continues to be active in middle-
income and transitional economies, providing
loans for disaster relief purposes, in post-
conflict situations and to post-socialist
economies. Since 1991, The European Bank
for Reconstruction and Development (EBRD)
has joined the IBRD in central Europe and
central Asia.
Reconstruction efforts sponsored by the
IBRD and the EBRD have not been without
their critics. Both institutions are committed
to what they describe as democratization
andmarket-led economic growth, and the
agendas of goodgovernanceor the new pub-
lic administration feature strongly in their self-
descriptions. However, good governance was
not at the top of the reconstruction agenda
in Russia under President Yeltsin: the shock
therapy recommended by Yeltsin’s advisers –
including the Americans Jeffrey Sachs and
David Lipton – led not only to price decontrol
and currency convertibility, but also to the
wholesale transfer of state assets to private
monopolists. Sachs prefers to speak of ‘radical
reforms’ rather than shock therapy (2005,
p. 135) – but the shocking result of these
measures (shocking, at any rate, to some
mainstream economists) was a ruthless and
often violent struggle forpower, assets and
territory. Far from providing an equitable
restructuring of the economy of the former
Soviet Union, reconstruction efforts have
too often led to what David Harvey (2003b)
calls ‘accumulation by dispossession’ (see
alsoprimitive accumulation). Hugely widen-
ing inequalities in income levels andhealth-
careprovision have been just two results of
reconstruction in Russia. Elsewhere, as in the
Czech Republic and Poland, less dramatic
reconstruction efforts have come closer to meet-
ing the targets set by their governments and
their international counterparts. sco
Suggested reading
Hoogvelt (2001); Ledeneva (1998).
recreation Pursuits or activities (even
inactivity) undertaken voluntarily outside paid
employment for the primary purpose of pleas-
ure, enjoyment and satisfaction. Recreational
activities tend to be distinguished, in academic
studies, fromsportsas not involving formal
rules of competition. Such a division is also
problematic, as sports may be undertaken
non-competitively (e.g. one might play golf
without competing), and other activities
may involve more-or-less competitive elem-
ents with greater or lesser formalization (e.g.
multi-player computer games contain highly
formalized rules for competition, but would
rarely be considered a sport). Recreational
activities could be part oftourism, if occur-
ring away from the place of domicile, or
leisure, if occurring while at home, and the
definitions of all the categories are very
porous. A number of distinctions are often
made regarding recreation’s orientation and
organization.
Formal and informal recreations are often
differentiated. Formal recreation involves
activities that are structured and organized
by an external body in prescribed times or
places. This would thus include clubs, hobby
societies and other organizations.Informalrec-
reation refers to self-organized activities
occurring at times and/or places of the indi-
vidual’s own choosing. Trends to formalize
more recreational activities have been linked
to their commodification and the increasing
sale of recreational goods – the production of
which has become a major industry in the
developed world. A further division often made
is between passive and active recreation –
playing in a band is active, while listening
to one is passive. This distinction imports
judgements freighted with normative values.
A variety of policy initiatives aroundhealth
have sought to encourage ‘active’ forms of
recreation to increase fitness. Likewise, moral
panics have often linked passive recreation to
fears of youngster’s becoming ‘couch potatoes’
or otherwise harmed by the passive enjoyment
of especially digital media. The assumption of
passive consumption is contestable, since
consumers may actively contribute to events
and participate in numerous ways – transform-
ing events or goods through their interpret-
ations and reactions.
Geographies of recreation have tended to
focus upon the effects on the environment and
our relationship with it, and then the way in
which spaces structure the availability and
nature of recreational opportunities. For
instance, the development of climbing fashions
bothdiscoursesand tactile or haptic ways of
knowing and valuing the environment (Lorimer
and Lund, 2003; Taylor, 2006b). Alternatively,
looking at environmental effects (such as
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RECREATION