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government, and the distribution of resources
and responsibilities between them. Such
changes and the debates around them are
closely related to changing notions of govern-
ment – including the move from the political
representation of individuals and places to the
economic, social, cultural and political
responsibility of individuals and places – as
the distinctions between thestate,civil soci-
etyandeconomyare dissolved and recom-
bined in the attempt to maintain political
legitimacy in the face of such changes and
the globalizing geographies (seeglobaliza-
tion) that shape them. But beyond this,
questions of governance open up the ques-
tions of how who gets to speak for regions
and how regional policy gets to take place.
Central here is the issue of expertise and the
establishment of policy norms and target-
setting, which enables governmental action
on regions and the possibility of the emergence
of creative capacity within regions. However,
just as such capacities (or the lack of them) do
not guarantee ‘success’ – whoever may define
it – neither does it enhance the possibilities of
more participatory forms of democracy. This
is, perhaps, especially true of regions long
suffering from economic decline and the with-
ering of circuits of value. Hence the political
issue of the relations and modalities of power
between regional and national/supra-national
governance becomes central if the question
of uneven development is to be addressed
head-on in policy formulation. But, of course,
this does not mean that regional economic
policies, for example, will be based on the
pursuit of social justice rather than of eco-
nomic effectivity.
Such norms and targets raise a fourth
overarching issue concerning the objectives
of regional policies. For example, econo-
mic policies are increasingly narrowly for-
matted around issues of competitiveness and
productivityas measured through profitabil-
ity. Not only does this framing ignore a range
of issues such as the work that takes place -
and goes largely unmeasured – beyond the
capitalist economy, as well as the diverse
norms and social relations involved in materi-
ally effective circuits of value, including – but
not reducible to – the social economy lying
outside the mainstream, but it also tends
towards reductive notions of processes such
asinnovation defined in terms merely of
contributions to profitability.
Finally, the long-standing significance of
the region as a focus of distinctive identities
and even loyalties – and this not least as a
consequence of the crucial role of historical
economic geographies in shaping a sense of
belonging, albeit contested and conflicting
belonging – combines in a potentially prob-
lematic fashion with the notion of the region
as a formative economic, social and political
entity and a constructed object of policy in
which regional responsibility for development
is stressed. Under these circumstances, in
which the region is perceived as arepresenta-
tionof meaning and practice, blame is all too
readily attached to the victim. However, this
tendency may be countered from the perspec-
tive of geographicalpolitical economy. This
way of understanding is capable of recognizing
not only the role of people in making their
own geographies (if not necessarily under the
conditions and constraints that they would
choose) and the genuine material constraints
on regional development (which mark the
economic, political, cultural and geographical
limits of regional responsibilities for the con-
struction of geographies), but the political
possibilities in the pursuit of policies capable
of sustaining locally distinctive as well as
materially, socially, politically and culturally
effective regions. rl
Suggested reading
Amin, Massey and Thrift (2003); Coe, Hess,
Yeung, Dicken and Henderson (2004); Hudson
(2007); Lovering (1999); Macleod and Jones
(2007); Regional Studies Association (2007);
Rodriguez-Pose and Gill (2004); Scott (1998);
Scott and Storper (2003).
regional science A hybrid discipline origin-
ating in the early 1950s that combinedneo-
classical economics and quantitative
methodsto analyse spatial issues in econom-
ics, human geography and planning.
Regional science was the vision of a single
man, the American economist Walter Isard
(1919–). Isard roundly criticized the assump-
tion of the a-spatial ‘pin-head’economyfound
in standard economic theory, and provided
an alternative version based uponlocation
theory, and in 1954 he convened the first
meeting of the Regional Science Association
in Detroit. Partly because of Isard’s indefatig-
able energy, and partly because of the move-
ment’s fortuitous emergence in a period of
significant American regional and urban
growth, regional science rapidly expanded,
increasing its membership, forming new uni-
versity departments, inaugurating journals
such as the Proceedings of the Regional
Science Association and then, in 1958, the
Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_R-new Final Proof page 638 2.4.2009 9:12pm
REGIONAL SCIENCE