The Dictionary of Human Geography

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Suggested reading
Hinchliffe (2004).

vision and visualityThe distinction between
vision – a biologically determined structure of
seeing – and visuality – a culturally constructed
way of seeing – has not been challenged in
geographical work, despite sustained interest
inembodied knowledges(see body;situated
knowledge). Vision has been paid little atten-
tion, and questions of visuality have been most
fully engaged with by cultural geographers.
The starting point for much of their work is
that, like any other culturaltext,animage
draws on particular culturally constituted
signs, symbols anddiscoursesin order to
make its meaning. Images are thus understood
as ensembles of visual practices that structure
what is visible and invisible in specific ways.
Such practices are at work in both the visual
content of an image – what it shows – as well
as in its visual and spatial organization – how it
shows what it shows, and what position it
invites its audience to take in relation to it.
Much attention has been paid to how images
thus constitute and reconstitute socialiden-
titiesand social relations by visualisingspace,
place,nature,landscape, thenation, the
urban and the rural in particular ways. This
significant body of work has now been joined
by efforts to approach images from somewhere
other than entirely within the field ofculture.
There is now a large body of work by
cultural geographers that explores the specific
visualities that have contributed to a range of
geographical knowledges, both popular and
academic. Much attention has been paid to
the emergence of the idea of ‘landscape’in
thewestduring the fifteenth and sixteenth
centuries, for example (Cosgrove, 1984;
Olwig, 2002). This work understands land-
scape as a means of organizing the visual field
through a specific, territorializingspatiality
and a single viewpoint. Such landscapes have
been associated with bourgeois and masculine
ways of seeing the world aspropertyto be
owned and known (Cosgrove, 1985; Rose,
1993). The association of some landscapes
with national identities has also been traced
(Daniels, 1993; Matless, 1998; Olwig, 2002),
and the use of certain mapping techniques
and photographic practices in the creation of
colonial and imperial geographical knowledges
has been explored (Harley, 1989; Ryan, 1997;
see alsocartography, history of;colonial-
ism; masculinism; post-colonialism).
Indeed, Gregory (1994) has asserted the com-
plicity of geography as an emergent academic

discipline with a modern Western visuality
dependent on the possibility of a ‘world pic-
ture’. Images produced by newer visual media,
such asfilm,geographic information sys-
tems, and tourist and family photography
have also been examined as powerful means
through which more recent places and spaces
are constituted (seefilm;tourism).
While much of this work depends on claims
that particular images are given their meaning
by their historically and geographically specific
context, or by their embeddedness in contem-
porary discourses (see visual methods),
Marxist strands of work also continue. Some
pursue Harvey’s (1989b) claim that many vis-
ual objects reflect changes in the time–space
organization of contemporarycapitalism,and
otherspursueDeutsche’s (1996b) somewhat
lessreductionistaccount of the importance
of design,artandspectacleto the capital’s
redevelopment of cities (seegentrification).
It is, however, possible to suggest that most
geographers concerned with visuality have been
concerned to place specific images into their
‘context’, whether that context be a culture,
discourse or the demands of capital.
However, two other approaches to visuality
are now also evident in geographical work.
First, some geographers are arguing that
while certain sorts of images participate in
the cultural or discursive, they can also on
occasion exceed it. This claim refers to photo-
graphs quite specifically, because of the way
something of what photographic technologies
do is to describe the world mimetically,
beyond cultural signification (seemimesis).
Geographers such as Goin (2003) and
Edensor (2005) thus insert photographs of a
desert and of industrial ruins into their written
text, in order to enact the intrusion of those
places’ non-human, non-cultural agencies into
the making of geographical knowledge.
Second, others are suggesting that the effects
of images can only be understood as they are
encountered by viewers in particular places in
quite specific ways (Rose, 2004a). This argu-
ment understands images as performed in
encounters with people, and is less concerned
with what images mean than with what they
do and what is done with them (seeperfor-
mativity). Hence geographers and others
have explored how images are put to work in
different places, and the various spaces and
places that such work produces (Pinney,
2003; Rose, 2004a).
These moves (back?) towards understand-
ing images not as texts to be read but as
objects to be put to use has also begun to

Gregory / The Dictionary of Human Geography 9781405132879_4_V Final Proof page 801 30.3.2009 7:45pm

VISION AND VISUALITY
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