264 Mediated Publics
the circumstances. This idea was very quickly followed by other questions
about the nature of the relationship between state and society which, in
that period, seemed to me misunderstood.^4 It was difficult to recognize
that something so socially and politically significant could be generated
by ordinary people doing ordinary things.
is research project consists of a series of interviews that I con-Th
ducted between 1994 and 2001 in Algeria, mainly in its northeastern and
central regions. I interviewed 69 participants from various socio-pro-
fessional backgrounds, thirty-seven men and thirty-two women. I also
conducted three focus groups for participants who requested them or
when it was difficult to meet individually with participants. I have since
expanded my research to Morocco and Tunisia, where I conducted field-
work between 2003 and 2006. Notwithstanding the differences that sepa-
rate them at the level of political governance, these three countries of the
Maghrib are close not only geographically, but also historically and anthro-
pologically. The Maghrib should not be confused with Middle Eastern
countries. Not only is the region physically and socially distinct, but its
colonial history, its large Berber population (especially in Morocco and
Algeria), and more importantly, its critical distance from the Middle East
make it distinct on many levels. Thus, while it is relatively easy to refer to
the Maghrib as a socio-geographic entity, it is difficult to consider it part of
the Middle East, although there are many Maghribians who feel “Arab” or
“Muslim.” Identifications and definitions have been displaced during the
present decade, during which new forms of “Arabness” and “Muslimness”
have developed due to the emergence of a politicized movement and new
communication technologies, yet it is still true that Moroccans will feel
they have more in common with Tunisians than with Egyptians.
n the three North African countries of the Maghrib, a number of I
paradoxes crop up in the broadcasting sector. Tunisia and Morocco have
private television networks even though the official records claim the exis-
tence of a state monopoly. Inversely, there is de jure recognition but actual
absence of private ownership in Algeria. Mostefaoui, among others, refers
to a process of de-monopolization.^5 The process unfolds differently in
each situation. When the French television channel Antenne 2 in Tunisia
began to irritate the powers that be with its prime-time terrestrial trans-
missions, the broadcaster was cut off. In Algeria, on the other hand, the