Activism in an Urban Religious District 417
personal dignity, and newfound community” (Baer and Singer 1992: 172). The unify-
ing theme, however, was the value of the highly committed community, within which
moral consistency, trust, and equality would provide a basis for unity against a per-
ceived adversary – whether that adversary be global capitalism, racist members of the
U.S. Congress, or cities that ignore the needs of poor urban neighborhoods. In no case,
however, was the perceived enemy “the world” in its entirety.
Religious and Ideological Constraints on Activism.Although conservative theology
provides the “fuel” for their activism, the clergy are constrained by elements of the same
theology, sometimes in combination with nonreligious ideological tendencies. They
avoid forms of activism that might make them sublimate their faith or compromise
the spiritual integrity of their churches. Like their priestly, personalistic counterparts,
these pastors are still committed to the spiritual person as much as the social, political,
and economic person. In fact, they use the “whole person” concept as a kind of measur-
ing stick to evaluate and compare local social programs before supporting them. Each
expressed strong preferences for church-based efforts designed to propagate Christian
moral standards as well as generate life opportunities for disprivileged people. Efforts
lacking a religious foundation, they felt, would ultimately leave people in the “same
position” despite temporary physical, social, or economic amelioration.
Sometimes the constrictive elements of conservative theology interact with wholly
separate ideas regarding the nature of worldly politics to produce wariness of certain
kinds of activism. Pastors Calvin and Powell, for instance, have told me about the
conspiratorial, if not genocidal, motives of whites and agents of the state. Although
they are committed to activism in general, both have avoided collaborative efforts
that might make them vulnerable to these actors, thereby severely diluting the only
institution in black society committed to serving the whole person: the church.
Pastor Calvin believes that black-on-black violence is perpetuated in part by white
conspiracy. She argues, for instance, that the white-controlled media has helped
“immobilize” black people with respect to youth violence. By assaulting the black pub-
lic with regular images of black youth murdering each other, the media leads blacks
to “hate the kids,” and to don an attitude of helplessness. She also believes that black
youth are getting guns from the white-dominated law enforcement community, for
blacks neither import nor manufacture military grade assault weapons.
Her suspicion of white motives surfaced again only when she explained her refusal
to join a Boston-based organization of clergy concerned with youth violence. The orga-
nization was spurred by an instance of the “street” coming into the “church”: In 1992,
gang violence erupted at a black Baptist church during a funeral for a youth murdered
in a drive-by shooting. In response to this incident, which included a shootout and
multiple stabbings, a handful of black clergy gathered to devise a plan of action. Calvin
has avoided the group because she does not trust the motives of the white clergy who
have since rallied around it. She believes the organization is now a lavish expression
of “white guilt,” designed to furtherdistractblack churches from the real work in the
street.
Pastor Powell is suspicious of white politicians and other agents of the state. He is
therefore wary of public programs, such as Charitable Choice, that contract churches to
administer social services to poor people. In one conversation, Powell worried that, de-
spite the neighborhood revitalization efforts of churches such as Azusa and Highlands,