empowerment as mainly linked to participation in
public life and view motherhood as a tool that has
often been used by different groups to restrict
women to the domestic sphere.
Motherhood is closely linked with nationalism in
various Arabic countries. This is especially true
among native populations who fear being outnum-
bered by foreigners, like the Palestinians (in the
context of their struggle for independence) or the
Kuwaitis (given the presence of large numbers of
foreign migrant workers and their families) (al-
Mughni 1993). Accordingly, having children and
raising them as Palestinian is seen as an essential
part of the Palestinian national struggle. The umm
al-shàhid(mother of the martyr) is a national
Palestinian symbol (inside and outside the West
Bank and the Gaza Strip) that is invested with great
social and political value (Peteet 1997). She repre-
sents cherished notions of sacrifice, resistance, and
steadfastness. Despite this strong link between
motherhood and nationalism, however, most Arab
countries do not grant citizenship to children born
to local mothers and foreign fathers. This issue, the
custody of children and their support after divorce,
and the provision of more facilities which would
allow women to combine work and motherhood
are some of the key issues that most Arab countries
are struggling with.
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Farha Ghannamaustralia 509AustraliaIntroduction
Motherhood is an integral part of a woman’s life,
but it is culturally constructed (Bernard 1974). The
experience of motherhood can be challenging when
compounded with migration (Liamputtong and
Naksook 2003). This entry discusses the influence
of Afghan culture on the ways Afghan women ex-
perience motherhood. It also deals with the impact
of migration on their mothering roles. It is based on
in-depth interviews with Afghan women and par-
ticipant observations in the Afghan community in
Melbourne, Australia.Afghans in Australia
According to the Australian Bureau of Statistics
2001 Census of Population and Housing, there are
11,296 Afghans living in Australia: 6,776 males
and 4,520 females. The first wave of migration dates
back to 1859 when Afghan immigrants arrived in
Australia as cameleers. The Afghan camel trains
provided transport to central Australia and sup-
plied remote sheep and cattle stations as well as
new gold mining communities (Wardak 1997).
Throughout the history of camel driving in Aus-
tralia, camel handlers were referred to as Afghans
or Ghans. Over the next 40 years, more Afghans
arrived in Australia. In the 1901 census, the Afghan
population had increased to 394 from only 20
recorded in the 1871 Census. As a result of the
Immigration Restriction Act 1901 as well as the
introduction of modern transport, the Afghanistan-
born community gradually declined (DIMIA 2003).
The second wave took place in the 1980s as a result
of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979
(Wardak 1997, DIMIA 2003). Many Afghans
sought refugee status as a result of the civil war in
their country of origin. The third wave of immigra-
tion to Australia occurred as a result of the brutal
Taliban regime from 1995 onwards. There was a
decrease, however, in arrivals from Afghanistan
due to the introduction of border legislation and
the collapse of the Taliban regime. As a result,
many Afghans arrived in Australia as illegal immi-
grants and were sent to detention centers around
the country. According to the most recent statistics
of the Department of Immigration and Multi-
cultural and Indigenous Affairs (DIMIA), issued on
25 July 2000, the total number of “boat people”
arriving in Australia between 1989 and 2000 was
8,289, of whom only 1,141 were Afghans. The
Afghans who have arrived in Australia since late
1999 are largely of Hazara background, and came