community structures, and conventional role models
(Z. Arat 1998). The state was deeply criticized for
being gender blind (Kadıo(lu 1998). Low represen-
tation of women in politics was considered to be
both a cause and outcome of this insensitivity.
Simultaneously, groups who identified more
closely with Islam began their criticism. Despite
internal variations, in very broad terms, these
groups argued that the republican model of women
was too insistent on a Westernized public female
role model and was intolerant of women with
Muslim identities entering public life (Saktanber
2002). In the last decade, women emphasizing a
Muslim identity have become increasingly more
active, creating non-governmental organizations
(NGOs) and charity foundations as well as mobi-
lizing votes (Y. Arat 1999).
The low level of participation of women in poli-
tics has been a vocalized concern especially for the
secular feminist groups. Women’s NGOs have
raised this issue and have proposed different meth-
ods of improvement. Founded in 1997, Kadın
Adayları Destekleme Ve E©itme Derne©i (KADER,
Association for the support and training of women
candidates), is an organization that specifically
aims to promote women in politics.
Two other methods of promotion of women’s
participation have been through establishment of
quotas for women and founding of women’s auxil-
iaries in political parties. At present (2003) four
political parties have quotas (Republican Peoples
Party 25 percent, People’s Democracy Party 25 per-
cent, Freedom and Solidarity Party 30 percent, and
True Path Party 10 percent) pertaining to internal
elections. While absence of women in electable
positions in the lists is uncommon, even the parties
that have quotas in their statutes do not apply them
to candidacies in local and national elections.
Women’s auxiliaries in parties have been a contro-
versial issue. Their success has been in vote mobi-
lization and fund-raising rather than in helping
women become politicians themselves (Tekeli
1982). The first auxiliary was opened by a left wing
party, the Republican People’s Party, in 1957 and
other political parties soon adopted the idea.
Nonetheless, in most center-right and center-left
parties the women’s auxiliaries remained marginal
in the last two decades and women’s representation
was primarily carried out by feminist NGOs.
Leadership of political parties has never totally
neglected women’s representation. All have recog-
nized the importance of women’s votes – research
indicates that about half of women vote independ-
ently of their male relatives – and have tried to appeal
to them through rhetoric and by appointing a token564 political parties and participation
number of female candidates (Sancar-Üçür 2000).
In the last two decades, with rising sensitivity to
gender issues, political parties began to have spe-
cific chapters in their programs on gender issues.
Two main perspectives are observable here. The
political parties of the right (including Islamists and
nationalists) have a family centered perspective
and propose policies that will facilitate, enhance,
and support women in family based roles (Güneç-
Ayata 2001). Left and left-of-center parties, how-
ever, present a more progressive ideology at least in
the rhetoric, where they argue that an egalitarian
society can be constructed only with equal partici-
pation of women and men in public life. Yet they
also avoid a deep questioning of patriarchal systems,
and especially problems that pertain to private life
and family (Güneç-Ayata and Aslan-Akman 2004).
Feminist groups, with the help of international
organizations and media, have persuaded the polit-
ical decision-making bodies to make gender issues a
part of the governmental mechanism. The Direc-
torate General on the Status and Problems of
Women was established in 1990 after the ratifica-
tion of the United Nations Convention on the Elim-
ination of All Forms of Discrimination against
Women (CEDAW) as a national mechanism. Even
though the directorate has not been very influential
in mainstreaming gender issues in policymaking, it
has been important in disseminating international
norms, supporting gender studies, promoting women’s
NGOs, and creating wider gender sensitivity.
In conclusion, despite early attempts to encour-
age women to enter politics, Turkey has a long way
to go in gender mainstreaming, the development of
a gender sensitive and conscious agenda in policy-
making, the adoption of affirmative measures to
increase female representation, and the encourage-
ment of women to express their own voices and
demands. In short, the empowerment of women
through politics will take time.Bibliography
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