Cultural Geography

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certainly not the case that social inequalities
of race, class and gender – the focus of research
for generations of social geographers – had
suddenly disappeared (far from it). Rather, new
concerns with cultural difference and the
politics of representation – informed by post-
modern, postcolonial and other forms of post-
structuralist theory – had taken hold across
the social sciences, leading to a relative lack of
research on structures of inequality and their
associated spatialities. In Gregson’s words,
questions of meaning, identity, representation
and ideology were increasingly replacing
studies that were more firmly grounded in
an analysis of the material world or con-
cerned with socially significant differences of
gender, class, race, sexuality and (dis)ability
(1995: 139).
The perceived evacuation of the social in
social and cultural geography is a serious con-
cern that each of the chapters in this section
addresses in a different way. Taken together,
however, the chapters provide strong evidence
that the ‘death of the social’ has been prema-
turely proclaimed. Nicky Gregson’s chapter,
for example, demonstrates that ‘the social’
has not simply been replaced by ‘the cultural’
but is increasingly refracted through the
cultural. Gregson demonstrates that multiple
social and cultural geographies coexist rather
than a single hegemonic social geography
being replaced by an equally hegemonic
cultural geography. So, too, in Katharyne
Mitchell’s chapter, the importance of ‘ground-
ing’ the analysis of hybrid cultures in the
materialities of specific times and places is
central to her argument. In place of stark
oppositions between the social and the
cultural, the material and the symbolic, dis-
course and practice, each of the following
chapters seeks to transcend such dualisms.
Instead, each chapter looks forward to a geo-
graphy in which symbolic meanings are embed-
ded in specific material contexts, defined by
unequal relations of power, structured by
culturally mediated notions of social difference.
The remainder of this introduction focuses
on two related issues. The first is intended to
further underline the potential for seeing social
and cultural questions through the lens of the
spatial. The second provides further evidence
of the value of seeing the social through the lens
of the cultural(and in so doing demonstrates

the need to transcend all such dualistic ways
of thinking).

SEEING THE SOCIAL THROUGH
THE LENS OF THE SPATIAL

Our account begins with a period when social
geography was in an upbeat and optimistic
mood: when geographers were opening up
a dialogue with other social scientists about
the reciprocal relations between society and
space(signalled by the journal of that name,
launched in 1983). Geographers were no
longer in the thrall of the other social sciences,
no longer content to be the cartographers
of social inequalities that were left to other
disciplines to theorize and explain. There was
an increasing acceptance that social relations
were spatially constituted (signalled by inter-
disciplinary collections such as Gregory and
Urry’s Social Relations and Spatial Structures,
published in 1985). With the cultural turn
in human geography, geographers felt a new
confidence about contributing to debates in
cultural studies, even while we were being
encouraged to question our ethnographic
cultural authority and examine our own
positionality.
The cultural turn, especially through the
influence of feminism, also led to a broader
understanding of what constitutes ‘the politi-
cal’. What might appear from one perspective
as evidence of the end of the social could be
read more optimistically from a feminist per-
spective as a broadening out of the political to
include questions of visual and textual repre-
sentation, the cultural politics of sexuality and
the body, and more expansive notions of
citizenship.This sense of optimism was, in turn,
challenged by voices ‘from the margins’ of
white western feminism which raised uncom-
fortable questions about the privileges of
power including the unexamined ‘whiteness’ of
much current academic practice (hooks, 1992).
While Gregson’s chapter explores these
issues in the context of recent disability stud-
ies in geography, geographies of race and
racism are equally revealing of the theoretical
ebb and flow of social and cultural geography.
The social was traditionally seen in terms of a
series of relatively independent ‘dimensions’

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