A World History of Nineteenth-Century Archaeology: Nationalism, Colonialism, and the Past (Oxford Studies in the History of Archaeology)

(Sean Pound) #1

(Lumbini), where they undertook archaeological research on Buddhist arte-
facts. They returned to Japan with theirWnds in May 1904. Between 1911 and
1912, Kozui Otani sent Zuicho Tachibana and Yoshikawa Koichiro to Dun-
huang. They remained there for eight weeks and obtained more than four
hundred manuscripts. Another scholar looking for Buddhist texts was Ekai
Kawaguchi, who visited Nepal four times between 1899 and 1900, and who, in
1913, obtained, together with Professor Takakusu Junjiro of Tokyo Imperial
University and Hasebe Ryutai, the Sanskrit sutras of Buddhism that Kawa-
guchi had long been seeking (Takayama 2002).
In a situation which mirrored the association between imperialism and
anthropology in the major European powers, anthropological studies in
Japan took place in the context of Japanese expansionism through East Asia
(Pai 1999: 354). The primeval primitive area where the Far Eastern races had
developed was located in areas where the modern natives were perceived as
primitive and backward: Korea, Manchuria and the Russian Maritime Prov-
ince. In the years immediately preceding the First World War, anthropological
and archaeological studies in the occupied territory of Korea described
prehistoric cultures as intermediate between North China and Japan. This
encouraged an emphasis on race, parallel to the ideas that developed in
Europe and America, and which would be reinforced in the interwar period
(Pai 1999). As in many other parts of the world, speciWc contemporary
native groups were associated with prehistoric remains, reinforcing the pri-
mitive image they displayed. In Formosa (now Taiwan), for example, the
Japanese archaeologist (and anthropologist), and perhaps the most important
Japanese scholar in theseWelds around the turn of the century, Torii Ryuzo,
linked the Bunun tribe to Stone Age implements found in the New-High
Mountain (Jade Mountain) area (Wu 1969: 107).


CONCLUSION: ARCHAEOLOGIES OF INFORMAL
IMPERIALISM

This chapter and the two previous ones have dealt with the archaeology of
informal imperialism, archaeology which was undertaken in countries where
no oYcial colonies had been formed, but where the account of the past
produced by the imperial powers of the West imposed itself as hegemonic,
although it was, in some cases, strongly resisted by the development of
national archaeologies. The focus has been on the archaeology of a group of
extremely diverse countries in southern Europe, Turkey, on Egypt, the Near
East, Central and Eastern Asia, and Latin America. These countries went


Latin America, China, and Japan 201
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