12 Leaders TheEconomistFebruary26th 2022
N
early a year has passed since Congressapproved the
American Rescue Plan Act (arpa), promisingspendingof
$1.9trn, equivalent to 9% of gdp. Many, includingthisnewspa
per, worried that such federal largesse looked excessive.Those
fears have been borne out. arpahelped create a surgeofdemand
that contributed to the inflation that is plaguingAmericaand
which is higher than in other advanced economies.Italsogave
states and localgovernment agencies over $650bn—morethan
they knew what to do with.
They are keen to spend it, one way or another.Outgoings
from the states reached an alltime high in 2021,andwillproba
bly break the record again this year. Some arpamoneyisgoing
on sensible investments and into rainyday fundsthatwillhelp
states weather the next recession. But too many
states are lavishing federal dollars on dodgy
projects that look better in a campaign ad than
on a balancesheet (see United States section).
State legislators in Massachusetts are fond
of diverting money intended to help schools
reopen towards building new football pitches
instead. More worrying are the efforts to enact
new tax cuts and social programmes. Iowa
plans to ditch a progressive income tax in favour of a flat tax,
while exempting retirement incomes. California’s governor, Ga
vin Newsom, has proposed expanding the state’s healthinsur
ance programme to undocumented immigrants—for an addi
tional $2.2bn a year. These initiatives are creating big liabilities
that may prove unsustainable in the years to come, as the funds
from Washington ebb and America’s economy returns to its
tamer, prepandemic rate of growth.
When that tide goes out it will become painfully clear that
states are facing structural problems. Although the federal gov
ernment has picked up much of the tab during the pandemic for
spending on Medicaid, the public healthinsurance scheme for
the poor, the programme’s costs take up an everrising share of
statebudgets.Increasingfuelefficiencyhasreducedrevenues
fromthepetroltax,theprimarymeansstateshaveoffinancing
transportinfrastructure.ManystatesintheMidwestandNorth
eastarelosingpeople,leavingthemwithinfrastructurethatis
toocostlyandtooextensiveforthosewhoareleft.
Allthemoreimportant,therefore,thatstategovernments
usethefederalwindfalltomaketheireconomiesmorecompet
itive.Afewprinciplesshouldguidethem.First,theyshouldfa
vour onetime investments over enduring commitments.
Cleaninguppollutionandupgradingancientcomputersystems
arelimitedprojectsthatwillbringbenefitsforyearstocome.
Manystatesalsohavebiginfrastructuremaintenancebacklogs
thattheywoulddowelltoreduce.Second,anynewlongterm
projectsshouldbechosenwithaneyetoen
hancing productivity in a postpandemic
world.Broadbandinternet,particularlyinill
servedruralareas,isa primeexample.
Lastly,thetemptationoftaxcutsandsocial
programmesmustberestrainedbya regardfor
the future.Conservative forecastsoftaxrev
enue growth should be grounded in economic
trends rather than the surge in income and
salestax receipts during the pandemic. To avoid sudden budget
shortfalls, tax cuts can be designed to kick in only above a
threshold of revenues, as in North Carolina in the past. And
states would do well to pilot social programmes before charging
ahead—unlike Colorado, which is spending $13m this year to
build the bureaucracy for a universal preschool programme that
does not yet exist and whose benefits are unproven.
arpais only part of the states’ federal bonanza. Still more
money from Washington is set to come their way as the $1.2trn
Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act, passed in November
2021, is implemented. Ambitious governors and state legislators
are eager to spend their way to reelection. Alas, theyriskleaving
a fiscal timebomb for future policymakers to defuse.n
America’s stateshavemoregreenstuffthangreymatter
Total state spending
United States, % of GDP
12
11
10
1614122010 212018
Wasting a windfall
Spending covid-relief money
E
veryone whohas an investment portfolio or is in a pension
scheme knows that they are exposed to the gyrations of the
stockmarket. Only some are aware that a rising share of their
savings pot has been invested in private assets, including priv
ate equity (leveraged buyouts), privately held debt and infra
structure and property holdings. And most would be surprised
to know how big this exposure has become. Private equity and
property alone make up almost a fifth of American public pen
sion funds’ portfolios. A whopping 39% of large American en
dowments sits in buyouts, venture capital and real assets. Priv
ate assets have become the opium of the savings industry be
cause they are assumed to generate high returns. As our special
report this week explains, this belief may be a delusion.
Private investments have gone mainstream in part because
the best private investment firms have been well run and made
the most of their opportunities. For example, while private equ
ity has gone through two boomandbust cycles since taking off
in the 1980s, its blend of financial and operational engineering
has added genuine value to thousands of firms. Since the
mid1990s privateequity funds have outperformed comparable
share indices over various time periods by two to six percentage
points a year. As banks have withdrawn from risktaking be
Why private markets are likely to disappoint investors
The private-equity delusion
Private markets