The Economist February 26th 2022 45
Middle East & Africa
Anotherinstitutionattacked
Judging judges
T
here arefew more poignant locations
for a country’s supreme judicial body
than that of South Africa’s Constitutional
Court, in central Johannesburg. The build
ing lies within the walls of the Old Fort pri
son complex where, during the colonial era
and under apartheid, black inmates were
given less food, fewer blankets and more
abuse than white ones. Many who strug
gled against white rule were held there, in
cluding Mahatma Gandhi, Archbishop
Desmond Tutu (briefly), Albert Luthuli and
Nelson Mandela. The last three all won the
Nobel peace prize; not many countries can
boast more individual laureates than the
Old Fort complex can.
South Africa’s courts have generally
honoured their legacy. The constitution, a
blend of liberal ideas such as the separa
tion of powers, and progressive rights to
social services, has shielded the country
from the worst excesses of power. Yet as
President Cyril Ramaphosa prepares to ap
point a new Chief Justice, the judiciary is
under unprecedented attack from the ene
mies of constitutional democracy.
There has long been tension between
the courts and the other branches of gov
ernment. Thabo Mbeki, president from
1999 to 2008, believed a crank theory that
the human immunodeficiency virus (hiv)
does not cause aids. In 2002, much to his
chagrin, the Constitutional Court told his
government to provide South Africans
with antihivdrugs.
The relationship deteriorated further
under the presidency of Jacob Zuma (2009
18). In 2015 a judge ordered that the govern
ment must bar Omar alBashir from leav
ing South Africa after the Sudanese dicta
tor, who was wanted by the International
Criminal Court, flew in for a summit. The
Zuma administration disobeyed him. The
next year the Constitutional Court found
that the president and parliament had
failed to uphold the constitution by ignor
ing findings of corruption against Mr Zu
ma by Thuli Madonsela, then the country’s
Public Protector, a legal ombudsman.
Such decisions riled Mr Zuma and oth
ers in his government. The then president
told tribal chiefs that they would be better
off resolving disputes “in an African way”
(without elaborating on what this might
mean), instead of through the courts
which “deal with cold facts”. Blade Nzi
mande, a minister, warned of “judicial dic
tatorship”. Gwede Mantashe, another min
ister, reportedly called judges “counter
revolutionary forces”.
Yet 2021 “was arguably the court’s most
turbulent year”, argues Pierre de Vos of the
University of Cape Town (uct). Mr Zuma
accused the highest court of being “exactly
like the apartheid government” by order
ing him to appear before an inquiry into
corruption during his reign. He was briefly
imprisoned for contempt of court after he
ignored the order. Jessie Duarte, an ally of
Mr Zuma, said the inquiry was “an on
slaught on the people”. Lindiwe Sisulu, a
cabinet minister, recently called some
black judges “mentally colonised Africans”
and “house negroes”.
J OHANNESBURG
The enemies of South African democracy have the judiciary in their sights
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