The Washington Post - USA (2022-03-01)

(Antfer) #1

A4 EZ RE THE WASHINGTON POST.TUESDAY, MARCH 1 , 2022


BY MATT ZAPOTOSKY
AND JOSH DAWSEY

Former attorney general Wil-
liam P. Barr says in a new book
that the prospect of Donald
Trump running for president
again is “dismaying” and urges
the Republican Party to “look
forward” to other candidates,
concluding after a searing, be-
hind-the-scenes account of his
time in the president’s Cabinet
that Trump is not the right man
to lead the country.
In the book, “One Damn Thing
After Another,” Barr takes shot
after shot at Trump, especially
over his leadership during the
coronavirus pandemic and his
false claims that the election was
stolen from him.
Barr, who had a famous fall-
ing-out with Trump late in his
presidency, writes that Trump’s
“constant bellicosity diminishes
him and the office,” and that in
the final months of the adminis-
tration, he came to realize that
“Trump cared only about one
thing: himself. C ountry and prin-
ciple took second place.”
“We need leaders not only
capable of fighting and ‘punch-
ing,’ but also persuading and


attracting — leaders who can
frame, and advocate for, an up-
lifting vision of what it means to
share in American citizenship,”
Barr writes. “Donald Trump has
shown he has neither the tem-
perament nor persuasive powers
to provide the kind of positive
leadership that is needed.”
Barr styles the book, to be
published March 8, as a memoir
of his life. He recounts events as
far back as his childhood on the
Upper West Side of Manhattan.
He l aunches blistering attacks on
liberals and the news media —
whom he views even more dimly
than the former president —
while outlining his conservative
views on crime, religion, gender
and sexuality. He also defends
his handling of special counsel
Robert S. Mueller III’s report,
and details how the Justice De-
partment navigated allegations
that Trump had committed a
crime in pressuring Ukraine’s
president to investigate Joe
Biden.
Most notably, he unloads on
Trump, casting him as an “incor-
rigible” narcissist who, “through
his self-indulgence and lack of
self-control,” blew the 2020 elec-
tion and then did “a disservice to
the nation” in falsely claiming
his defeat was due to fraud.
“The election was not ‘sto-
len,’ ” B arr w rites. “Trump l ost it.”
As attorney general, Barr
faced withering criticism that he
politicized the Justice Depart-
ment to serve Trump’s interests,

such as by intervening in crimi-
nal cases to benefit the presi-
dent’s allies and launching inves-
tigations that targeted the presi-
dent’s foes. Though he casts
himself in his book as resisting
pressure to take inappropriate
steps, critics are likely to accuse
him of offering a self-serving
retelling of events to sell books
and rehabilitate his own public
image.
Barr writes that he and White
House lawyers had regular Mon-
day lunches, where they would
“inventory the legally problemat-
ic ideas floating around the ad-
ministration.” A “fair share” of
those — such as using an execu-
tive order to end citizenship for
children born in the United

States to parents who were here
illegally — came from Trump
himself, Barr writes.
He writes that the lawyers
“operated like a tag team, so that
neither of us would provoke too
much of the President’s ire at one
time.”
“We referred to this as choos-
ing who would ‘eat the gre-
nade,’ ” Barr writes.
Barr says his relationship with
Trump faced one of its first major
tests in the summer of 2019,
when he declined to prosecute
James B. Comey because there
were a “few words” of classified
information in memos the for-
mer FBI director gave to his
private lawyers. He writes that
Trump raged at him after the

decision was revealed: “I’m
shocked, Bill. I’m disgusted. I’m
not happy about this, Bill.” Even
as time wore on, Barr writes,
Trump “never let me forget how
unhappy he was.”
Barr said that even though he
made the right call, it did not
matter to the president.
“People are worthwhile to
Trump only as means to his ends
— as utensils,” Barr writes.
“When they don’t help him get
what he wants, they are useless.
In my case, Trump’s disenchant-
ment started — as it was bound
to — when he saw I was not
willing to bend the law to do his
bidding.”
Barr describes how he grew
increasingly frustrated by the
president’s public and private
comments about Justice Depart-
ment business, and the presi-
dent’s wanting him “to deliver
scalps in time for the election.”
In mid-October 2020 , he
writes, Trump called him and
broached the subject of Hunter
Biden, who was then under Jus-
tice Department investigation
and whose name was in the news
because of the discovery of a
laptop belonging to him.
“Dammit, Mr. President, I am
not going to talk to you about
Hunter Biden. Period!” Barr says
he responded.
The breaking point for Barr
and Trump’s relationship seems
to have come after the election,
when Barr refused to back
Trump’s claims of widespread

fraud.
In more detail than he has
previously shared, Barr de-
scribes how he marshaled the
Justice Department and the FBI
to explore various fraud claims.
And in each instance, he writes,
they could find no evidence to
support those claims — though
that did not deter the president.
“I got calls from senators and
members of the House asking me
what I thought about all the
claims of fraud,” Barr writes. “On
this trajectory, the peaceful tran-
sition of power was not an obvi-
ously attainable goal.”
Barr takes particular aim at
those who had the president’s
ear — i ncluding former New York
mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani, who
Barr says will be remembered as
“the man who helped President
Trump get impeached not once
but twice.” (Giuliani was in-
volved in the pressure campaign
in Ukraine, which was at the
heart of Trump’s first impeach-
ment, and the effort to overturn
the election, which fueled the
Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol and was
at the heart of the second.)
He writes that Trump’s legal
team “had a difficult case to
make, and they made it as badly
and unprofessionally as I could
have imagined,” taking particu-
lar note of a news conference
Giuliani held at a Philadelphia
landscaping company to pro-
mote his claims.
“It was all a grotesque embar-
rassment,” Barr writes.

In new book, Barr says prospect of Trump running again is ‘dismaying’


JABIN BOTSFORD/THE WASHINGTON POST
In his forthcoming book, former attorney general William P. Barr,
right, takes shot after shot at former president Donald Trump.

F ormer attorney general

critiques false claims that


2020 election was stolen

BY MICHAEL SCHERER,
SEAN SULLIVAN
AND TYLER PAGER

When House Democratic lead-
ers met with President Biden in
February in the Map Room, they
brought with them an unexpect-
ed request: Could he identify a
senior White House point person
to work with them on the mid-
term elections?
The fact that the question
needed to be asked at all, in a
room filled with several of
Biden’s top aides, spoke to the
Democratic disorganization just
nine months before elections
that will shape the second half of
Biden’s term. Lawmakers’ frus-
tration had been building, ac-
cording to multiple people famil-
iar with the situation, as cam-
paign strategists struggled to
work with Biden’s team while the
administration tried to craft a
consistent strategy for dealing
with hot-button issues such as
the coronavirus pandemic and
inflation.
House Democratic campaign
chairman Sean Maloney (N.Y.)
and Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Ca-
lif.), who traveled to the White
House on Feb. 2, decided that the
best route was to take the issue
directly to the president. They
made the request as part of a
broader discussion about how
Biden would help in the coming
elections and the ways the White
House can more succinctly sell
its agenda and accomplishments.
“We wanted to make sure that
the proper attention was being
paid to the midterms,” Maloney
said in an interview, explaining
their request. “They have an
enormous amount of talent down
there. We just wanted to know
who our point of contact was.”
That meeting and another
with Senate strategists have
proved to be turning points of
sorts, according to people on all
sides of the conversations, result-
ing in regular coordination on
planning and freeing up $15 mil-
lion from the Democratic Nation-
al Committee to be used to help
House and Senate campaigns. It’s
a pivot Biden hopes to take
public on Tuesday, when the
president steps onto his biggest
stage, a televised prime-time
State of the Union address, with a
focus on Democratic accomplish-
ments and plans for the future.
But the efforts to define for
voters the Democratic case
against Republicans comes at a
time of significant internal un-
certainty among the party’s lead-
ers, with many lawmakers and
strategists questioning whether
the White House’s emphasis on
political issues has been suffi-
cient and whether there is still
time to shift, according to inter-
views with officials and strat-
egists, more than a dozen of
whom spoke on the condition of
anonymity about private conver-
sations.
“I don’t see a message. That
troubles me. I think Democrats


are snatching defeat from the
jaws of victory,” said Democrat
Gilda Cobb-Hunter, the longest-
serving member of the South
Carolina State House. “They’ve
done some good things. They
don’t s eem t o be able to figure out
how to talk about it.”
Biden made clear in the meet-
ing that he would step up his
personal involvement in the com-
ing months, and he said several
senior advisers would continue
to be involved in the midterm
effort. They include Deputy Chief
of Staff Jen O’Malley Dillon, who
is coordinating the political ef-
forts, senior adviser Mike Doni-
lon, who o versees the Biden strat-
egy, and Counselor to the Presi-
dent Steve Ricchetti, who often
works w ith lawmakers on Capitol
Hill, according to a Biden adviser
familiar with the conversation.
“They have all been incredibly
accessible since the meeting with
the president,” Maloney said.
Democratic concerns have
been particularly acute around
the party’s pitch on the economy,
which has recovered quickly un-
der Biden, even as costs have
begun to grow at the fastest rate
in decades. After pivoting away
last fall from talking about “tran-
sitory” price increases, Biden fo-
cused this year in his speeches on
concerns about inflation and
what he is doing to fight back.
When Biden met separately
with top Senate Democrats, Ma-
jority Leader Charles E. Schumer
(N.Y.) urged the president and his
team to help the party turn up
the volume on what they are
doing to lower prices, according
to a Democratic aide familiar
with the conversation.
In the eyes of some top con-
gressional Democrats, the issues
at the White House have less to

do with Biden than with his staff
and its sometimes ill-defined
structure. Sen. Gary Peters (D-
Mich.), who leads his party’s
Senate campaign effort, ex-
pressed an upbeat view of the
president’s engagement on the
eve of the White House meeting.
“The president has communicat-
ed to me in no uncertain terms
that he will do whatever he can to
make sure we not only hold the
majority, that we expand the
majority,” Peters said.
The Biden adviser said the
increase in planning and coordi-
nation was occurring on sched-
ule, as the White House shifted
from a year focused on governing
to an election year.
“I think you’re just going to see
a lot more focus on defining the
choice for the American people
and making it easy for them to
see who’s in it for them and who’s
in it for political gain,” the advis-
er said o f the meeting. “We talked
about how do we put a simple
frame around all that we have
done and accomplished together
so that it really reaches people
more clearly.”
But significant skepticism re-
mains. Biden’s approval rating
has fallen below 40 percent in at
least one competitive Senate
state; a Post-ABC poll published
Sunday set his national approval
at 3 7 percent. In a s hift from early
in Biden’s presidency, more
Americans now say they would
like to vote for a Republican
congressional candidate than a
Democrat, according to national
polling averages.
Democratic senators have
urged the White House to do
more to establish a clear eco-
nomic message, and both the
House and Senate have begun to
chart new legislative strategies

on issues such as China, drug
prices and crime to help move
beyond the Democratic infight-
ing that so far has doomed legis-
lative efforts to expand social
programs and voting rights.
Several Democratic operatives
worry that the Biden White
House focus on legislating in
2021 and preparing for the elec-
tions in 202 4 has pushed the
immediate election challenge to
the back burner.
“This is a White House issue,”
said one Democrat involved in
midterm planning. “They are j ust
waking up to the fact that the
midterms are an issue.”
Pelosi has acknowledged the
frustrations in private meetings
with her own members.
At a recent weekly “Crescendo”
meeting with representatives
from each of her caucuses, she
described the difficulties she had
with the White House during the
Obama and Clinton years when it
came to strategizing for the mid-
terms, according to a Democrat
with direct knowledge of the
exchange. She has urged her
lawmakers to develop their own
plans, and then to push for the
Senate and White House to get
on board, according to multiple
people familiar with the com-
ments.
A recent polling memo from
the Democratic Congressional
Campaign Committee, shared
with Capitol Hill aides, urged
candidates to be aggressive in
response to Republican attacks
on defunding the police and
critical race theory. Democrats
have begun work on bills to
combat crime and increase fund-
ing for police.
In recent weeks, Pelosi, Biden
and Rep. Ritchie To rres (D-N.Y.),
a liberal lawmaker from the

South Bronx, have all clearly
rejected “defund the police” as a
policy. “ Enough is enough,” Biden
said in a February visit to New
York City about rising crime
rates, reprising his campaign po-
sition. “The answer is not to
defund the police. It’s to give you
the tools and training and fund-
ing.”
Biden advisers point to histor-
ic investments they have already
made in the fall campaigns.
Building Back To gether, an out-
side group backed by Biden,
spent more than $25 million on
ads in competitive districts last
year, mostly focused on the failed
effort to pass legislation to ex-
pand social programs. In addi-
tion to the $15 million for the
House and Senate efforts given
this year, the Democratic Nation-
al Committee has set aside
$20 million for a coordinated
campaign effort in competitive
Senate states that are also likely
to be 202 4 presidential battle-
grounds. Millions more have
been earmarked for voter protec-
tion efforts across the country.
DNC Chairman Jaime Harri-
son met with Biden on Feb. 18,
according to Biden advisers, for a
long-scheduled meeting about
the coming year. The meeting
came amid numerous reports
that he is frustrated in the job,
since most of the strategic deci-
sions at the party are being run
through the White House, as is
typical under a Democratic presi-
dent. The pandemic has also
limited Harrison’s travel for
fundraising, which some Demo-
crats hope will change as corona-
virus cases decline.
“The message the president
had for Jaime was, ‘We want to
see more of you,’ ” the Biden
adviser said of the meeting. “ ‘ You

have a unique role only you can
do. You can set up a choice in a
very political way.’ ”
Harrison was recently in Flori-
da raising money, according to a
person familiar with the situa-
tion. In a statement, Harrison
said the DNC and its partners are
“a cohesive team that is firing on
all cylinders.” He added, “I am
proud to be a part of this team
and the critical work we are
doing, which w ill only increase in
the coming weeks and months.”
But Harrison and the White
House will first have to overcome
the frustration of Democrats out
in the states, who feel months
were lost last year because of
internal debates over Senate pro-
cedural rules and the giant legis-
lative package, called Build Back
Better, that many voters did not
understand. Legislative success-
es on infrastructure and corona-
virus relief have failed to stop the
decline in Biden’s approval rat-
ings.
Lawmakers in some competi-
tive districts said they already are
looking beyond the national dy-
namics of the race.
“I care about what the presi-
dent says because I want him to
do well, but I don’t care about it
in the context of my election
because I don’t think that’s what
my voters are focused on,” Rep.
Susan Wild (D-Pa.) said. “They
are focused on having a personal
connection with me and feeling
like I care about their problems.”
Still, some Democrats said
they wonder whether the White
House has been too slow to
deflect political liabilities.
“We need to continue elevating
the really significant accomplish-
ments in fighting covid, moving
economic progress, including
fighting inflation, and other chal-
lenges like anti-crime measures,”
said Sen. Richard Blumenthal
(D-Conn.), who is running for a
third term this year. “I think
what’s really important is to sim-
ply present clearly and accurate-
ly the really solid record of ac-
complishment of the Congress
and the administration.”
But consistent messages re-
main elusive. On Feb. 17, weeks
after his White House meeting,
Maloney was asked on MSNBC
how Democratic candidates
should respond to voter concerns
about higher inflation.
“Don’t talk about Nobel laure-
ates, because n o one cares,” Malo-
ney said, referring to a frequent
Biden talking point. “Ta lk about
the price of a gallon of milk.”
Hours later, Biden’s official
Twitter account posted: “17 Nobel
Prize winners in economics say
the Build Back Better Agenda will
ease longer-term inflationary
pressures. We can get this done.”
In an interview, Maloney said
it was understandable that the
White House would have a differ-
ent set of policy talking points on
Twitter, with its audience of polit-
ical insiders, than Democratic
candidates would have with vot-
ers. He said the relationship
between the White House and
the midterm campaign team was
strong.
“We feel pretty good about
what we’re getting right now,”
Maloney said. “It’s right where it
should be, is the way I would say
it.”

Democrats work to regain footing for midterm elections


DEMETRIUS FREEMAN/THE WASHINGTON POST
President Biden made clear that he would step up his personal involvement in midterm efforts in the coming months, and he said several
senior advisers would maintain that focus as well. Deputy Chief of Staff Jen O’Malley Dillon, above, is coordinating the political aspects.

Lawmakers, strategists
watch clock and try
to decide on sales pitch
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