among the Vallabha Sam:prada ̄ya and in Vais:n:avism in gen-
eral. (Founded by Vallabha in the sixteenth century, the Val-
labha Sam:prada ̄ya is a Hindu devotional sect that remains
influential in Gujarat and includes many wealthy merchants
and other business-oriented caste groups among its follow-
ers.) Satsan ̇g ̄ıs perform daily offerings (pu ̄ja ̄) to the iconic
representation (mu ̄rti) of Lord Swaminarayan kept in the
home. For BAPS followers, pu ̄ja ̄ includes the pictorial forms
of the guru lineage and a reading selection from Swami ni
Vato, a collection of brief sayings by Gunatitanand Swami.
All satsan ̇g ̄ıs must dress modestly, wear a double-stranded
necklace of beads, and apply sectarian marks on their fore-
heads, with the women’s mark differing from the men’s. Be-
sides regular participation at temple events, satsan ̇g ̄ıs are also
expected to contribute a portion of their annual income to
the temple.
The Vachanamritam outlines four categories of action
for helping devotees strengthen their devotionalism. Much
of temple-based discourse and many events revolve around
assisting satsan ̇g ̄ıs to reflect upon and act on these sugges-
tions:
- Remain within the expectations and rules for moral
living. - Develop a deep attachment to Lord Swaminarayan and
sa ̄dhus. - Control mental and physical senses.
- Develop knowledge of Swaminarayan philosophy.
The most tangible means for attaining and expressing correct
devotional postures is to perform seva, service and resources
that are volunteered. “Doing seva,” satsan ̇g ̄ıs note, helps them
to transcend bodily desires and focus more intensely on the
glory of the highest existential reality, purus:ottama. Female
followers are especially visible as seva volunteers and this has
contributed to dramatic changes, particularly in the BAPS
sect. In BAPS, women have parallel leadership positions and
activities to men. Women manage their groups and sponsor
their own events and publications. Though sometimes frus-
trated at the gender segregation and their inability to have
direct contact with guru and sa ̄dhus, women consider theirs
a privileged position, of having a god-realized guru who pow-
erfully guides them from a distance.
CONTEMPORARY ISSUES. Coinciding with the migration of
Gujarati peoples, the Swaminarayan movement has also ex-
panded beyond India. Its religious and lay leaders are focused
on the needs of Hindus in the diaspora who are creating per-
manent rather than temporary lives outside of India. BAPS,
through its worldwide network of more than five hundred
temples and a large “volunteer” base, is by far the most visible
sect in the Swaminarayan movement. Since it’s founding,
BAPS and its living gurus have traveled to wherever Gujaratis
have gone, openly addressing immigrant-diaspora issues of
resettlement, cultural loss, and community building. This
has resulted in the creation of programs that were not needed
in the Gujarat context, such as Gujarati language classes and
festivals to promote “Hinduism.” BAPS Swaminarayan com-
munities in the United States and Great Britain now have
resident sa ̄dhus who teach and administer temple activities.
North of London, a BAPS traditional-style marble and stone
temple with an attached exhibition hall attracts upwards of
ninety thousand visitors during Hindu new year celebra-
tions. Similar “traditional” temple complexes were complet-
ed in Chicago, Illinois, and Houston, Texas. In Gandhina-
gar, Gujarat, an elaborate monument, exhibition, and
research center known as Akshardham was the site of a ter-
rorist attack in 2002. Swaminarayan sites and their polished
presentation of “Hinduism” are clearly attracting notice,
owing to a visibility reflective of the movement’s diasporic
wealth and organized management structure.
What is remarkable is the degree to which BAPS, and
to a lesser extent the original Swaminarayan ga ̄dis, have trans-
lated the injunction for moral living and reform into a larger
transnational project, one that positions Swaminarayan
bhakti as synonymous with a reified sense of “Hinduism.”
This equation promotes a problematic conceptualization of
religion, one that uncritically conflates it with culture, lan-
guage, and geography and offers a seamless portrait of Hindu
traditions. The contemporary Swaminarayan movement
thus appears sympathetic to pro-Hindu fundamentalist sen-
timents. While this connection is disputed by its leaders,
what is less refutable is the movement’s growing base of im-
migrants who are attracted to representations of an essential-
ized Hinduism. The Swaminarayan movement has, in spite
of its restrictive codes of behavior, endured for over two cen-
turies: its newer communities demonstrate how politics of re-
ligious nationalism and the needs and desires brought on by
diasporic living can spur accommodations to, rather than re-
treat from, external changes.SEE ALSO Bhakti; Ra ̄ma ̄nuja; Vais:n:avism; Vallabha.BIBLIOGRAPHY
Brent, Peter. Godmen of India. London, 1972. Contains account
of author’s meeting with the English translator of the Vacha-
namritam, H. T. Dave, and Swami Jnanjivandas, the third
living guru in the Bochasanwasi Shri Akshar Purushottam
Swaminarayan Sanstha.
Dave, H. T. Shree Swaminarayan’s Vachanamritam. Bombay,
1977; reprint, Ahmedabad, India, 1989. First complete En-
glish translation of Sahajanand Swami’s discourses from the
BAPS perspective.
Dwyer, Rachel. “Caste, Religion, and Sect in Gujarat: Followers
of Vallabhacharya and Swaminarayan.” In Desh Pardesh: The
South Asian Presence in Britain, edited by Roger Ballard,
pp. 165–190. London, 1994. A clear exposition of the caste
composition of Gujarat and a comparative look at two Guja-
rati Vais:n:ava religious sects, the Swaminarayan movement
and Vallabha’s Pus:t:ima ̄rga Sam:prada ̄ya.
Hardiman, David. “Class Base of Swaminarayan Sect.” In Eco-
nomic and Political Weekly (September 10, 1988): 1907–- Critical examination of the Ahmedabad ga ̄dd ̄ı of the
original Swaminarayan movement. Argues that the activities
and attitudes of this ga ̄dd ̄ı stem from its narrow caste base.
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