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(Axel Boer) #1
312! I Corrections and Prison Practices—Civic Forensics

study reported that of the male inmates who were victims, 25% were forced to
complete the entire act of intercourse by two or more inmates.
In addition to the after-effects of the rape trauma syndrome mentioned above,
those who are forced into sexual behaviors may experience immediate distress.
Struckman-Johnson ct al. (1996) discovered that 75% of those who were forced to
engage in sex experienced at least one negative consequence. Feelings of distrust,
anxiety around others, and depression were the most common negative conse-
quences. Sixteen percent of those forced into sexual behaviors received physical
injuries. Sagarin (as cited in G. T. Long, 1993) stated that inmates reported feelings
of shame, disgust, and humiliation after their first homosexual experience in prison,
These feelings continued during their period of incarceration.
The above descriptions relate solely to sexual behaviors in all-male prisons, but
female prisons share some of the same characteristics with respect to inmate sexuality.
Donaldson (1990) reports that some women engage in lesbian relationships because
they do not have access to members of the opposite sex. These women are labeled
"penitentiary turnouts" and are similar to the jockers in male prisons. Those who
engage in homosexual relationships outside of prison are labeled "lesbians" and
are similar to the queens. The inmate who assumes the traditional female role in
the relationship is called "femme" or "mommy," and the inmate who assumes the
traditional male role is called "stud" or "daddy."
In contrast to the sexual behaviors committed by male prisoners, female homo-
sexual relationships typically do not involve physical force or pressure. Struckman-
Johnson ct al. (1996) reported a low rate of 7% for forced or pressured sexual
contact among women prisoners. Instead of basing the relationships upon fear and
intimidation, they base them on consent between the inmates involved. Mahon
(1996) found that female inmates reported widespread consensual sex which in-
cluded mutual masturbation, sharing of sex toys, and oral and anal sex. The sexual
behaviors occurred in places such as the showers, bathrooms, and cell areas. The
relationships developed in prison take on a significant role for women because they
provide a source for meaningful personal and social interconnections with other
people. These relationships may develop due to what G. T. Long (1993) describes
as "a need for intimacy and closeness with another person" (p. 158).
With the prevalence of sexual activity that occurs within prisons, it would seem
that the administration and correctional staff would be aware of its existence. Al-
though administrators may often deny that such sexual behavior occurs, Donaldson
(1990) reports that they know that a prisoner who becomes difficult or is disliked
by staff can be placed in a position where he will become a victim of forced sexual
behaviors by other inmates. In fact, inmates may even be sexually victimized by
prison staff. Struckman-Johnson et al. (1996) reported that 18% of their victimized
sample were forced to engage in sexual behaviors with prison staff. Mahon s (1996)
inmate participants informed her that nonconsensual and even consensual sexual
activity occurred between prisoners and the male correctional staff. The reasons
given were for protection, wanted items, privileges, and access to services.

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