The Economist March 19th 2022 Business 57
Navigatingsanctions
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W
ith unprecedented sanctions
come unprecedented compliance
challenges.Westernbanksandcompanies
hopingtonavigatethemorassare,atleast,
gettingsomehelpfromtheOfficeofFinan
cialAssetsControl(ofac), whichoversees
mostAmericanmeasures.Ithaspublished
answersto 62 “frequentlyaskedquestions”
aboutthose againstRussia. Butcompli
anceofficerscravingclaritycanhardlyre
lax.Thelegaleserunsto13,800words—and
leaves many queries unanswered since
guidanceisstillbeingfleshedout.More
over,newsanctions arebeingaddedal
mostdaily.AndtheonesimposedbyBrit
ain,theeuandothersoverlaponlypartial
lywithAmerica’s.
TheWesternresponsetoRussia’sinva
sionofUkraineiswithoutparallelinterms
ofboththenumberofcountriesparticipat
ing,andthesizeandinterconnectedness
ofthetarget’seconomy.Theyhavecreated
whatStephen Platt,authorof“Criminal
Capital”,a bookaboutfinancialcrime,calls
“asanctionscomplianceemergency”.
Thisisfurtherfuellinga sanctionsin
dustrialcomplexthathasburgeonedover
thepastdecade.International lawfirms
saytheyhaveneverhadsomanyinquiries;
somehavesetuproundtheclockhotlines
forworriedclients.Compliancetechfirms
are busierthan ever, too: softwarethat
helpsusersweedoutentitiesandindivid
ualshitbysanctionsisflyingoffshelves.
Globalspendingonsanctionscompliance
bybanksalone(noreliablefiguresexistfor
nonbanks)reacheda record$50bnorsoin
2020,thelatestyearforwhichestimates
areavailable.Theoutlaythisyearislikely
tobewellabovethat.
Keepingontopofthenewsanctionsis
noeasytask.InAmericaalonetheyarebe
ingissuedbyfourseparateagencies:ofac
(financialsanctions),theCommerceDe
partment(exportcontrols),theStateDe
partment(visabans)andtheJusticeDe
partment(antikleptocracymeasures).To
gether,theseare“amasterclassofallprior
sanctionsprogrammesbeingimposedall
atthe same time, utilising elementsof
thoseimposedonChina,Cuba,Iran,Vene
zuela and even narcotraffickers,” says
AdamM.SmithofGibsonDunn,a lawfirm.
Banks, whichhave long beenonthe
financialcrimefighting front line, will
findcomplyingtrickybutmanageable.The
challengeismoredauntingfornonfinan
cialcompanies,afargreater numberof
which do business that is covered by the
sanctions than was the case with Iran or
other past programmes. The Russia sanc
tions “reach across the corporate spectrum
like never before”, says Michael Dawson of
WilmerHale, another law firm. Lawyers say
callsforhelparecoming from software
makers, manufacturers,consumergoods
sellersandeven,inonecase, a sports team
thatrecruitsplayersfrom Russia.
Onereasonfortheanxiety is the sweep
ingexportcontrolsimplemented by Amer
icaand 33 “partnercountries” which re
strictthesaleoftechnology (for things like
semiconductors and telecoms), compo
nentsandwholegoodsto Russia. These
cover notonly stuff shipped directly to
Russiabutpartsforproducts assembled in
othercountries,suchasChina, and later
exportedto Russia.Insome cases sanc
tionskickinif the“controlled content” ex
ceeds25%ofthevalueofthe finished pro
duct.Theymayalsoapply if the product is
manufacturedinthirdcountries where the
machineryusedisitself “the direct pro
ductofusoriginsoftware or technology”.
This covers technology and widgets
madebythousandsofWestern firms, large
andsmall.Manyhavehomework to do to
determine if their products might be
caughtinthenet.Another lawyer says he is
gettingfretfulcallsfromstartups that have
outsourcedsoftwaredevelopment to Rus
siancontractors.It mayor may not be legal
tocontinuedoingso,depending on the cir
cumstances; either way, payments have
got more complicated because of sanc
tionsonRussianbanks.Many small and
middlingWesternfirmsare “spectacularly
illequipped”toconductthe required due
diligenceonbusinesspartners, counter
partiesorsupplychains,says Mr Platt.
Thistaskismadeharder still by Russia’s
expertiseinobfuscation. Russian money
menhavedevelopedworldbeating skills
increatingopaqueoffshore structures to
conceal ownership. Their creativity has
prompted ofacto tighten its rules on what
constitutes control of a corporate entity.
Adding to the anxiety, fines for viola
tions have got bigger, and not only for
banks. Firms hit with hefty American pen
alties in the past decade include Schlum
berger, an oilservices group ($259m) and
Fokker, an aircraftparts maker ($51m). The
Justice Department’s recent creation of a
“KleptoCapture” task force adds to the
risks of trading with oligarchlinked firms.
Enforcement in Europe has been less vig
orous, but that may change. Even Western
lawyers, with all the extra billable hours,
need to stay on their toes: Britain’s Solici
tors Regulation AuthoritysaidonMarch
15th that it will police law firms’sanctions
compliance with spot checks.n
Companies will need to up their game
to comply with Russia sanctions
The pro-lawyer lobby
BusinessinRussia
Should I stay or
should I go?
“O
ne should not condemn compa
nies that decide to stay in Russia as
financiers of Putin’s war,” says Michael
Harms, head of Germany’s Eastern Busi
ness Association, a lobby group. As long as
they don’t violate Western sanctions it
should be up to them whether they stay in
Russia or leave. Metro and Globus, two big
German supermarkets, have so far opted to
stick around. They say they do not want to
let down their staff or innocent Russian
shoppers, who need their groceries. Hen
kel has frozen new investments in Russia
but not its sales of laundry detergent and
other essentials. Bayer, another German
giant, will keep selling both its medicines
and, for now, its seeds. Procter & Gamble,
an American consumergoods behemoth,
has stopped advertising in Russia but
many of its brands remain available there.
Western companies in Russia can be di
vided into four categories. First are firms
whose business is subject to Western mea
sures. These comprise the makers of some
microchips or any type of dualuse tech
nology (including things like artificial in
telligence or cryptography). They have no
choice but to pull out. The second group
encompasses companies such as Volks
wagen, Europe’s biggest carmaker, which
stopped production in Russia because the
war, and the West’s response to it, disrupt
ed its supply chains. Next are firms such as
CocaCola and Pepsi, two makers of soft
drinks, and McDonald’s, a fastfood chain,
which have suspended operations in Rus
sia to signal their horror at the invasion.
B ERLIN
Some Western firms’ Russian
dilemmas are getting thornier