The Economist - UK (2022-04-02)

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The Economist April 2nd 2022 UnitedStates 37

Thedefencebudget

Rhetoric v reality


B


yinvadingukraine, VladimirPutin
has revitalised the world’s democracies
and  strengthened  nato’s  resolve,  Presi­
dent Joe Biden told an audience in Warsaw
on March 26th. Two days later he submit­
ted  a  budget  to  Congress  that  included
$813bn  in  defence  spending.  He  called  it
“one of the largest investments in our na­
tional security in history”. 
The administration’s numbers may not
match its rhetoric. America’s defence bud­
get accounts for a whopping 40% of global
military  expenditures.  But  the  proposed
additional spending of $17bn above the to­
tal of $796bn expected this year represents
an increase of only 2%. 
That is lower than the budget’s project­
ed  rate  of  inflation  of  about  2.5%,  which
some  economists  think  is  optimistic,  giv­
en  the  pace  of  price  rises  so  far  this  year.
The administration prefers to highlight the
4% increase in the base budget for the De­
partment  of  Defence.  The  department’s
budget  excludes  such  things  as  spending
on nuclear warheads by the Department of
Energy, and supplemental outlays (for ex­
ample,  to  help  Ukraine  and  resettle  Af­
ghans who worked with America).
“This  is  going  to  be  a  real­terms  cut  in
defence  spending,”  says  Todd  Harrison  of
the  Centre  for  Strategic  and  International
Studies,  a  think­tank  in  Washington,  dc.
He predicts that Congress, which can mod­
ify the president’s request, will add a hefty
slice  of  extra  spending—perhaps  another
$30bn—just  as  it  did  for  the  current  year.
“The  politics  on  the  defence  budget  have
really  changed  substantially  in  the  past

two  months.  A  year  ago,  we  were  hearing
progressives  in  the  Democratic  Party  talk
about  trying  to  cut  the  defence  budget  by
10%. Those calls have gone silent.”
As a share of gdp, defence spending has
in  fact  fallen  over  the  years,  from  4.7%  in
2010  to  about  3.2%  this  year.  The  navy’s
fleet is set to shrink. And a nuclear­capable
sea­launched  cruise  missile  is  being  can­
celled. Leading Republicans have called for
a budget that adds 5% above inflation. If, as
seems  likely,  they  take  control  of  one  or
both houses of Congress in this year’s mid­
term elections, they will have the clout to
push for bigger increases. 
The president’s request is something of
a muddle. Although issued late, it does not
take  account  of  money  that  Congress  re­
cently  agreed  to  spend,  not  least  on  Uk­
raine.  Officials  acknowledge  that  it  may
have to be reviewed later in the year. What
is  more,  the  request  was  not  preceded,  as

was  expected,  by  the  publication  of  a  na­
tional­security strategy. 
Officials  insist  that  the  war  in  Ukraine
has not changed their underlying analysis:
Russia presents an acute menace and Chi­
na  is  the  longer­term  challenge.  Over  the
years the breakdown of spending has shift­
ed from the army to the navy and especially
the air force—a trend that continues in the
president’s request—to strengthen the lat­
ter two in Asia in particular. 
And a growing share, an extra 9.5%, has
gone  to  “research,  development,  test,  and
evaluation”,  not  least  in  artificial  intelli­
gence.  This  helps  to  maintain  America’s
military  edge  in  the  long  term,  but  gener­
ates little new capability in the meantime.
That suggests the administration does not
think it will be at war with China soon, de­
spite  the  warnings  of  somecommanders
that  China  could  try  toinvadeTaiwan  be­
fore the end of the decade.n

WASHINGTON, DC
A sense of strategy is missing from
Joe Biden’s defence-spending proposal

I


n the monthsinceRussiainvaded
Ukraine, Joe Biden has called Vladimir
Putin a “war criminal” and a “butcher”.
New polling from YouGov/The Economist
suggests that younger Americans are far
more equivocal in their views on Russia
and the war. 
Among some 1,500 people polled
between March 19th and 22nd, 73% said
they sympathise more with Ukraine than
with Russia. Yet this disguises a big
generational gap. Whereas 92% of those
aged 65 and over said they sympathise
more with Ukraine, just 56% of those
aged 18­29 did—a difference of 36 per­
centage points. 
Younger Americans are also less
bothered about the war’s outcome: barely
half of those under 30 said they care who
wins, compared with 90% of those over

65. And although Antony Blinken, Amer­
ica’s secretary of state, has formally
declared that Mr Putin is deliberately
targeting civilians, younger Americans
are not so sure. Just 47% of under­30s
said Russia was targeting civilians in­
tentionally. In contrast, 91% of older
Americans agree with Mr Blinken.
YouGov/The Economistalso conducted
polls in France and Britain during the
fourth week of March, and there, too, a
generational gap exists—though a small­
er one. What might explain it?
One possible reason is that, on aver­
age, younger people tend to be less en­
gaged in politics. Younger people who
said they were interested in politics were


moresympathetictoUkrainethantheir
less­engagedpeers.Butthegapbetween
well­informedolderAmericansand
well­informedyoungerAmericansisstill
wide,at 28 points,sothatcanbeonly
partofthestory.
Perhapsthewarseemsdistantto
youngAmericansdisillusionedbyfar­
awayconflictsinAfghanistanandIraq.
HistoricalfearsofRussiamayplaya role,
too.Americans 65 andoldercameofage
duringthecoldwar.Thoseagedunder 30
werebornafter1992,whentheSoviet
Unionhadcollapsed.Yesteryear’sexperi­
encemaystillcolourtoday’sviews.

Ourpollonthewar

Older andwiser?


Views on the war reveal astrikinggenerationaldivide

The age of reasoning
United States, Mar 19th-22nd 2022, % responding

Source:YouGov/TheEconomist

65+

0 25 50 75 100

“ Who do you sympathise with more?”

18-2 Ukraine Neither/unsure

Russia

18-2
65+

“Do you think Russia is deliberately targeting
civilians in Ukraine?”
Ye s Not sure N o

18-2
65+

“Do you care who wins?”
Ye s Not sure No
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