April 21, 2022 47
Refusing Silence in Egypt
Ursula Lindsey
Here Is a Body
by Basma Abdel Aziz,
translated from the Arabic
by Jonathan Wright.
Hoopoe/American University
in Cairo Press, 333 pp., $18.95 (paper)
The Queue
by Basma Abdel Aziz,
translated from the Arabic
by Elisabeth Jaquette.
Melville House, 217 pp., $15.95 (paper)
You Have Not Yet Been Defeated:
Selected Works, 2011–2021
by Alaa Abd el- Fattah,
translated from the Arabic
by a collective, with a
foreword by Naomi Klein.
Seven Stories, 398 pp., $18.95 (paper)
The Book of Sleep
by Haytham El Wardany,
translated from the Arabic
by Robin Moger.
Seagull, 161 pp., $21.50; $17.00 (paper)
I visited Cairo in late November 2021,
after a two- year absence. I knew to ex-
pect changes, and I found them. The
area around Tahrir Square, emptied of
most of its cultural life, has become a
decorative and heavily policed show-
case. The dense lower- class neighbor-
hood of Bulaq has been cleared to make
way for hotels and high- rises. The riv-
erside promenade along my old neigh-
borhood is under construction too, and
I fear for the trees there, since so many
elsewhere have been uprooted. Huge
new elevated freeways cut through cen-
tral neighborhoods. They are designed
to make it easier to drive and to reach
the grandiose new administrative capi-
tal that the regime of President Abdel
Fattah el- Sisi is building in the desert
east of Cairo at a cost of $58 billion.^1
The city seemed unfamiliar, but it
wasn’t just because of this physical
transformation. My sense of Cairo
was strongly marked by the last year
I lived there, 2014—by which time the
euphoria, chaos, and anxiety of the
Arab Spring, three years earlier, had
been brought to an end by the installa-
tion of a counterrevolutionary military
regime. I’ve been back several times
since. Many of the people I knew have
left, and those who have remained are
either tired of talking about what went
wrong or busy dealing with the never-
ending trouble they’re in.
What was different this time was the
way the memory of the 2011 uprising
seemed not just buried but obliterated,
as if it had never happened at all. Ever
since it took power, the Sisi regime’s
goal has been not just to undo the ef-
fects of the uprising (which Sisi has
said he viewed from the beginning as
“the death certificate of the Egyptian
state”) but to wipe away the very story
of what happened with a flood of lies
and threats.
These days it feels hopeless, even
pathetic, to go on looking back at the
Arab Spring. Yet a minority of Egyp-
tians remain committed to its memory
and ideals. One of them is the writer
Basma Abdel Aziz, whom I met one
morning to discuss her latest book,
Here Is a Body. Her original publisher
has been instructed not to promote it,
bookstores not to sell it, newspapers
not to write about it. Copies of the En-
glish translation by Jonathan Wright,
published by an imprint of the Amer-
ican University in Cairo Press, aren’t
available in Egypt. What makes this
novel so unwelcome?
Here Is a Body opens in disorienta-
tion and terror. Rabie, a homeless boy,
is kidnapped in the middle of the night
from the garbage dump where he and
other street kids live:
My hand was crushed under some-
one’s boot, along with Emad’s arm.
I gasped silently. Then someone
started lifting my leg, which was
stuck under Youssef’s stomach,
and then my body too. I clung on
to Youssef’s clothes, but the hand
lifting me was much too strong
for me. I suddenly found my head
swinging through the air. I stiff-
ened my neck to try to control it,
but it was no use. I couldn’t make
out where the voice giving orders
was coming from but it was defi-
nitely from above.
“Get up, you filthy bastard. Get
up, you piece of shit. Get up, get
up,” it said.
The children are gagged, blind-
folded, and transported to an unknown
location, where they are dumped in a
crowded room and left to cry and moan
and shit themselves for days. One of
their captors explains that they have
been rounded up to end the nuisance
and disgrace of their vagrancy. Various
solutions have been proposed. An emi-
nent scholar has
suggested we consider you to be
non- existent, that we eliminate you
completely, that we remove your
names from the official records,
if your names are even there, and
that we treat you in the same way
we treat stray dogs.... The coun-
try cannot afford to spend money
feeding, educating, and housing
you without you doing anything in
return.
In the end, though, the authorities de-
cide to spare the boys. They will not be
slaughtered but rather rehabilitated in
this camp, where they lose their names
and are simply addressed as “bodies”
(the word in Arabic is badan, which
specifically refers to the torso, the body
without the head); their masters are
addressed as “Heads.” The children
undergo physical training and attend
lectures. They are told that they must
help defend their country, be ready to
sacrifice whatever they possess; that
they are like scalpels, excising infected
wounds from the body of the nation;
that they are soldiers supported by God
Almighty, who will reward them in the
afterlife and send their enemies to hell.
At first the boys are skeptical. But
eventually they begin to be sent out on
missions, attacking protesters or creat-
ing pretexts for the police to open fire
on them. Some of the boys are intox-
icated with their newfound power. As
one of them explains:
Now we’re the masters, the mas-
ters of the country. No one will
dare to harass us. No son- of- a-
whore driver will look down on us,
no lousy waiter will shoo us away
from outside a restaurant or a café.
No one will dare call for help or
report us. We’ll report on people
and wipe them off the face of the
earth like straw. If some bastard
shouts, we’ll shut him up and in fu-
ture he’ll open his mouth only to
obey us.
The book’s other storyline involves
a couple, Aida and Murad, who have
decided to join a tent city of protesters
that has formed in “the Space.” The
sit- in is organized by the Raised Ban-
ner movement to demand the return to
power of their abducted ruler. For any-
one who knows Egypt’s recent history,
the references will be obvious: this is
Cairo’s Rabaa el- Adawiya Square in
the summer of 2013, where the Muslim
Brotherhood was holding a massive
sit- in that was about to be dispersed by
security services in the worst massacre
in Egypt’s modern history.
President Hosni Mubarak’s ouster in
2011 was followed by a deliberately
muddled transitional period in which
the Muslim Brotherhood, the interim
military government, and other state
institutions maneuvered for power,
while protesters continued to clash
with security forces and to demand
real reforms. In 2012 Mohamed Morsi,
of the Brotherhood, narrowly won
the presidential election. In their first
year in power, the Brotherhood proved
themselves to be intransigent, intoler-
ant, and shortsighted. They lashed out
at critics, refused to rein in violence by
the police and their supporters, and
pushed through a constitution that en-
shrined sharia law and alienated liberal
and progressive forces in the country.
Morsi clashed with the courts and is-
sued a highly contested constitutional
declaration that granted the presi-
dency exceptional powers. A group
that called itself Tamarod (Rebel)
began gathering signatures for a peti-
tion demanding that he step down. On
June 30, 2013, huge protests against
Protesters against the military government under a banner calling for the release of Alaa Abd
el-Fattah, center, and other political prisoners, Tahrir Square, Cairo, November 2011
Mohamed Abd el-Ghany/Reuters/Alamy
(^1) See Yasmine El Rashidi, “Sisi’s New
Cairo: Pharaonic Ambition in Ferro-
Concrete,” nybooks.com, October 16,
2021.
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