The Economist April 9th 2022 Britain 25
Of moralpanicsandethicalspasms
B
ritons who have offered to host Ukrainian refugees face a fa
miliar obstacle in the form of the Home Office. But they also
have support from some unlikely allies. The Daily Mail, which has
railed against asylumseekers for years, is leading the charge.
“Britain is only granting ONE visa for every TEN refugees” shouted
the newspaper recently; it would normally only complain if the ra
tios were reversed. Conservative mps have attacked Priti Patel, the
home secretary, for failing to let people in, rather than for failing
to keep them out. Scepticism about refugees has melted among
the British public. Support for resettling Ukrainian refugees in
Britain (at 76%) rivals the approval ratings for the queen.
Moral panics, when people demand an authoritarian crack
down against the villain of the hour, are common in British poli
tics. Less noticed but just as frequent is the inverse. Call it an eth
ical spasm. For a brief moment, newspapers, mps and voters com
bine to demand a more liberal, generous approach from the gov
ernment. Moral panics tend to leave a mark. The statute book is
littered with kneejerk but permanent laws on everything from
dangerous dogs to paedophiles. Unlike their authoritarian cousin,
ethical spasms rarely leave a trace. Once the moment passes, the
state turns nasty again.
When it comes to Ukrainian refugees, the Home Office can be
forgiven for not predicting the latest twitch. Cruelty is a feature of
Britain’s asylum system, not a bug. Welcoming refugees is a rever
sal of previous policy. Indeed, the department has spent the past
year coming up with schemes of near comicbook villainy to deter
migrants from crossing the Channel. These plans have ranged
from wave machines to processing arrivals on St Helena, an island
in the South Atlantic. (A deal to process asylumseekers in Rwanda
is now being mooted.) An engine built to reject people has sud
denly been told to accept people, akin to slamming a car into re
verse while speeding along a motorway.
Yet at the same time that the government is attempting to re
move obstacles for Ukrainians, it is planning to make them higher
for others. The Nationality and Borders bill working its way
through parliament will make irregular entry into Britain a crimi
nal offence, even if someone is seeking asylum, which is probably
illegal under international law. According to one Conservative
peer,theproposalis“largely unnecessary...meanminded and at
times approaches the vindictive”. It is nonetheless likely to be
come law, in this parliamentary session or the next.
The asylum system is not the only area where generosity mo
mentarily interrupts a miserly norm. During the pandemic the
government increased universal credit, a benefit payment, when
it became clear that millions more would end up on it. Rather than
expose middleclass voters to the reality of the daytoday welfare
system, the Treasury coughed up an extra £20 ($26) per week—
about £1,000 extra per year—to make it more generous.
If benefits were too low during a lockdown, when it was practi
cally illegal to spend money on some things, then they are proba
bly too low in normal times. Yet Rishi Sunak, the chancellor, felt
comfortable removing the temporary increase. In the spring state
ment last month, Mr Sunak left those still on workingage benefits
with a realterms cut. A plurality of British voters support higher
benefits. But Conservative voters tend to want them to be the same
or lower. Mr Sunak declined to ramp up benefits for the same rea
son he opted not to seize the means of production: it is not what
Conservative chancellors do.
A recent backlash against brutal policing followed a similar
pattern. In 2021 footage of police breaking up a vigil in memory of
Sarah Everard, a 33yearold raped and murdered by an offduty
police officer, triggered outrage. A similar outcry occurred in 2010
during student protests, when truncheon met middleclass stu
dent’s skull and the often roughandready tactics of the British
police were revealed to a new audience. Yet rather than guarantee
ing the right to protest, the government is making it easier for po
lice to arrest demonstrators for vague reasons such as being noisy.
The British public’s views on crime and punishment are Old Testa
ment. A politician who promises draconian policing will receive
more votes than one who promises a liberal approach.
Nanny for me, but not for thee
There are two explanations why ethical spasms rarely last. The
charitable one comes down to ignorance. For most people in Brit
ain, the state is kind. People come into contact with the parts of it
that are still just about adequately funded, such as schools and the
healthcare system. Meanwhile the state pension, a benefit that
most people enjoy eventually, has become more generous.
The state is predominantly nasty only to an unfortunate mi
nority. The bulk of Britons are born there and so have little contact
with the immigration system. Dealings with police are limited to
asking for directions, rather than being thrown headfirst into a
van. Most people have jobs and no experience of a harsh benefits
system. Once a topic passes out of the public’s eye, it is forgotten.
Another explanation is less forgiving, but more likely. Voters
would rather have a nasty state than a nanny state. The two most
popular governments of the past few decades—Labour under Tony
Blair and the Conservatives under Boris Johnson—have had an au
thoritarian bent. Hammering protesters and cracking down on
asylumseekers has been a potent mix.
Cruelty is a choice, not a state of nature. But it is a choice voters
seem to prefer. A more generous welfare system would result in
higher taxes, which Britons are loth to pay for anything other than
health care. Politicians with a bias towards kicking people out are
more attractive than those who want to let people in. Bluntly, the
state is nasty because votershaveasked for it to be. The welcome
mat has been rolled out forUkrainians fleeing war. But it will be
rolled up again soon enough.n
Bagehot
Voters upset by the treatment of Ukrainian refugees are getting what they asked for