76 Culture The Economist April 9th 2022
butcher and basketball star—she draws
readersintoa richbutoverlookedworld.
Shebeginsfromtheviewpointofa mo
torway patrolman, as if to show that
behindeverybadgeorlabeleveryoneishu
man.JohnnyFrías hashisownsorrows
andsecrets.Heisalsopartofa tightknit
groupoffriendswhoselivesandfamilies
thenovelcharts.Eachislovinglydrawn,
despite—orbecauseof—theirdifficulties.
Matelasseisabandonedbya husband
dreamingofa flashierlife.Dante,a young
boyterrifiedoflosinghisparentstoco
vid19,takessolaceinthestars.Ximena
toilsindailyterrorofanimmigrationraid.
Terribleeventsabound,includinga police
shooting,theftsandrape.Whatsavesthese
characters,andupliftsthereader,istheir
webofmutualsupport.
LikethoseofLouiseErdrichandWil
liamFaulkner,MsStraight’snovels(nine
in all)have created afictional universe
rootedinonecommunityandplace.The
authorherselfmovedawayfromRiverside
justonce,tostudycreativewritingunder
JamesBaldwin.Thedeephistoryofsouth
ernCaliforniaishersubject:thestoriesof
thosewhosefamilieshaveinhabiteditfor
centuries,whethertheywereindigenous
orfirstbroughtasslavesbyMormonsor
Spanishexplorers.HersaretrueAmerican
tales,atonceintimateandepic.
Bytheclosingpagesofthebook,the
readerseeswhyXimenathinksMecca,Cal
ifornia,isa “holyplace”,too.Setontribal
landinanancientlakebed,itis,likeits
namesake,a placepeoplestrivetoreach,
anda placeofrefuge.n
Authoritarianleaders
Men of the people
W
hatdo xi jinping, BorisJohnson
andPrinceMuhammadbinSalman
haveincommon?Morethanyou might
think,andmorethanisgoodfortherestof
humanity, writes Gideon Rachman, a
columnistfortheFinancialTimeswhopre
viouslyworkedforTheEconomist. Hesees
allthreemenasproofoftheadventof“The
AgeoftheStrongman”,ashiswideranging
andastutenewbookistitled.Theypresent
a threatnotonlytothewellbeingoftheir
owncountries,butalsotoa worldorderin
which liberal, cosmopolitan ideas are
increasinglyembattled.
Itishardtodisputetheviewthatthose
three,alongwiththelikesofRecepTayyip
Erdogan,thepresidentofTurkey,Viktor
Orban,thenewlyreelectedprimeminis
ter of Hungary, and Jair Bolsonaro, the
presidentofBrazil,sharecertaintraits.To
varyingdegrees,theyallclaimtospeakfor
the common man, while undermining
institutions,stokingnationalismandcul
tivatinga personalstyleofpolitics,ifnot
anoutrightpersonalitycult.True,MrJohn
sonhasnotbeenaccusedoforderingthe
murderofanycritics,asPrinceMuham
mad,betterknownasmbs, hasbeeninthe
caseofJamalKhashoggi(hedeniesit).But
MrRachmanarguesconvincinglythatthe
strongmanstyleisa continuum,inwhich
itsexponents’affinitiesareamplifiedor
muffledbytheparticularpoliticalsystem
inwhicheachoperates.
Itisstrikingtoseehowmanycontem
poraryleadersfitthestrongmanmould.
WhatwithDonald TrumpandNarendra
Modi,theprimeministerofIndia,allthree
of theworld’s most populous countries
wereledbywouldbeoractualstrongmen
untillastyear,byMrRachman’sreckoning.
TheyarepresentinEurope(MrJohnson,
MrOrbanandVladimirPutin),inAfrica
(AbiyAhmed,Ethiopia’sprimeminister)
andAsia(MessrsModiandXi,plusRodrigo
Duterte,thepresidentofthePhilippines).
The MiddleEast furnishes MrErdogan,
mbsandBinyaminNetanyahu,Israel’s for
merprimeminister;theAmericascontrib
ute Mr Bolsonaro and Andrés Manuel
López Obrador, the president of Mexico.
The roster includes royals, elected politi
cians and fully fledged autocrats. And they
are doing huge damage.
The harm is not just to the people they
oppress or the national political systems
that they corrode. Strongmen also chip
away at global institutions, international
norms and multilateral cooperation. Ma
ny are suspicious of free trade. Few are
inclined to endure much inconvenience to
curb climate change. They are prone to
adventurism and aggression in foreign
policy—witness Mr Putin’s murderous
invasion of Ukraine.
But the ongoing war there, which began
after the book was written, also suggests
the limits of Mr Rachman’s analysis. His
strongmen show little solidarity or dip
lomatic allegiance to one another. Some
have sided with Mr Putin, others have
opposed him and still others are sitting on
the fence. Identifying someone as a strong
man is only a partial guide to how he (the
book does not mention any strongwomen)
is likely to behave.
Mr Rachman’s most powerful point
concerns not the strongmen themselves,
but Western politicians’ and commenta
tors’ wishful thinking about them (includ
ing, on occasion, The Economist). When Mr
Putin succeeded Boris Yeltsin, he was
hailed as a man who could stabilise Rus
sia’s listing democracy. Mr Erdogan, too,
was greeted with optimism, as someone
who could reconcile Islam and democracy.
Abiy was going to put an end to Ethiopia’s
ethnic divisions; mbswas going to drag the
Saudi monarchy into the 21st century; and
so on. The world’s genuine democracies
may not be to blame for the rise ofthe
strongmen, but they have not beenvery
shrewd about warding them off, either.n
TheAgeoftheStrongman.ByGideon
Rachman.OtherPress; 288 pages;$27.99.
BodleyHead,£20
A perceptive foreignaffairs commentator charts the rise of strongman rule
Birds of a feather