48 Britain The Economist April 16th 2022
chequer, was supposed to be thealterna
tive. He is diligent, thoughtful andserious,
especially compared with the primeminis
ter—a family man next to a manofmany
families. When revelations ofpartiesin
Downing Street first emerged,MrSunak
was slow to support the primeminister
and quick to chide him. Mr Johnson“was
right to apologise”, he said,primly. But
now Mr Sunak too has been fined.Hispop
ularity was fading anyway aslivingstan
dards fall (see chart). It may vanishentirely
as Britons digest the fine and recentrevela
tions that his wife, Akshata Murthy,isa
“nondom” for tax purposes.
Other potential successorshaveblun
dered to a lesser degree. Liz Trussprovedto
be an efficient and energetic tradesecre
tary. As foreign secretary, shehasbeena
Thatcherlike hawk, mixing photoopsin
tanks with an aggressive, nowvindicated,
position on Russia. Jeremy Hunt,thefor
mer foreign secretary, is highlyregarded
within the party. But both havedoubters.
Ms Truss splits opinion amongthosewho
have worked with her. Ten yearsagoMr
Hunt had a reputation as a slightlypecu
liar, if pleasant, cabinet minister.Thefact
that he has become the party’swiseelder
suggests in part how few untarnishedmps
it now contains.
Don’t just do something, sit there
While no one moves against MrJohnson,
little moves in government. Inthe1980s
the party launched an economicrevolu
tion that changed Britain for good.Those
who wait for similarly sweepinglegisla
tion will do so for a long time. Trivialmea
sures such as privatising Channel 4, a
broadcaster, are advanced; boldonessuch
as changing planning laws are ditched.
Mr Johnson is accused of misleading
Parliament. Such an offence is supposedto
be a resigning matter. Little holdsbackthe
executive other than Parliament and a
prime minister’s own sense ofrestraint.
For all that successive governmentshave
attempted to codify the constitution,the
country still runs on the “goodchap”theo
ry. But the prime minister hasneverpre
tended to be a good chap. ThattheConser
vative Party saw fit to place himinthejobis
an indictment of the party ratherthanhim.
Those expecting Mr Johnsontoresign
will be disappointed. If he werethetypeof
person to resign over attendinganillegal
party in a pandemic, he wouldnothaveat
tended an illegal party in a pandemic.If
Conservative mps want Mr Johnsongone,
they will have to move againsthim.Butif
they wanted him gone, theyhadreason
enough to move months ago. Instead,they
appear doomed to copy EstragonandVlad
imir at the end of Beckett’s play.“Well,”
says Estragon. “Shall we go?” Vladimirre
plies: “Yes, let’s go.” The finalwordsarea
stage direction: They do not move.n
Prisons
Victorian values
O
n april 7th Harborough District
CouncilinLeicestershirerefusedplan
ning permission for a new prison that
wouldhavehoused1,700inmates.Buck
inghamshireCountyCouncilandChorley
inLancashirehaveinthepastfewmonths
voteddownrequestsfromtheMinistry of
Justicetobuildnewprisons.It wouldseem
asthoughBritonsdonotwantprisons in
theirbackyards.Butthingsarenotquite
thatsimple.
Violent crime in Englandand Wales
peaked in 1995 according to the British
CrimeSurvey,thebestguidetothetrue lev
elofoffending.Buttheadultprisonpopu
lationhasrisen.Some80,000people are
insidetoday—afigurethatisexpected to
riseto98,500by 2026 thankstostiffer sen
tencing,a riseinthenumberofpolice offi
cersanda pushtoclearthebacklogin the
courtsthatwascausedpartlybycovid19.
Manyofthe prisonsin England and
Walesareoldandinadequate—themainte
nancebacklogisestimatedtoamount to
£1bn ($1.3bn). A recent inspection of
Wandsworth, aVictorianedificeinLon
don,describeditas a“crumbling,over
crowded, vermininfested prison”, with
someareasinhabitedbymice,ratsand pi
geons. The MinistryofJusticewants to
buildsixnewonesbytheendof2026, in
cluding a prison called Five Wells that
openedearlierthisyear.
Theeasiestwaytodothatistobuild on
landthegovernmentalreadyowns.Find
ingandgettingplanningconsenton new
property is expensive and slow, says Julian
Le Vay, a former finance director for the
Prison Service. Former industrial sites are
ideal—in 2017 a prison opened near Wrex
ham in north Wales on the site of a former
tyre factory. The next best thing is property
adjacent to existing prisons, since a place
that already has a prison might be amena
ble to another one.
The proposed prisons in Leicestershire,
Buckinghamshire and Lancashire are next
to smaller existing ones. They were op
posed anyway. (The Ministry of Justice will
appeal against the Lancashire prison deci
sion. It has not said if it will appeal against
the others.) Locals argue that prisons in
crease car traffic and drain local govern
ment resources. In Buckinghamshire,
planners cited the threat to butterflies.
But closing prisons is also unpopular,
largely because so many local people work
in them. A plan to shut the 19thcentury
Dartmoor Prison (pictured) has been
dropped after objections, including from
the local mp. In 2012 the government
closed Wellingborough Prison, drawing
criticism from the local mp, Peter Bone,
who called the decision “disgraceful”. Five
Wells prison opened on that site.
The tugofwar over opening and clos
ing prisons often omits a crucial question:
what would be best for prisoners and soci
ety as a whole? A study published in 2016 in
the British Journal of Criminologyfound that
visits from parents made incarcerated men
less likely to reoffend upon release. The
Ministry of Justice itself found that prison
ers who did not receive family visits were
39% more likely to reoffend. That suggests
prisons ought to be built in or near large
population centres. A prison might pro
vide jobs for a struggling town; it may or
may not disturb local butterflies. But if
prisoners’ families cannot reach themeas
ily, the prison population could wellcon
tinue growing as people cycle in and out.n
Britons don’t want to open new
prisons or close old ones
At least the views are good