22 Pragmatic Markers: Synchronic and Diachronic
Further evidence for an adverbial origin is the scarcity of that - clause comple-
ments in earlier stages of the language (see Brinton 2006 : 44).^24 Likewise,
Brinton ( 2006 ) suggests that a number of forms that have been seen as deriving
from main clauses (via the matrix clause hypothesis ) may in fact derive from
adverbial clauses since evidence for an earlier stage with that - clause comple-
ment is weak: these include you say < as you say (100– 105), you see < as
you see (141– 148, 156– 157) (cf. Fitzmaurice 2004 ), and possibly I gather <
as I gather (228– 230). As will be explored in detail in Chapter 5 , I argue that
epistemic parentheticals such as I think and I believe derive historically from
adverbial clauses, not main clauses.
A number of adverbial comment clauses would appear to derive quite
straightforwardly from adjunct adverbials:
- if you will (Brinton 2006 : 168– 171, 177– 180);
- as it were ( Brinton 2006 : 180– 182; Claridge 2013 );
- if you choose/ like/ prefer/ want/ wish (Brinton 2014b ; Claridge 2013 );
- so to speak/ say ( Claridge 2013 ); and
- if you ask me (Brinton forthc.).
However, most of these clauses are elliptical (they are missing their required
complements) and, more importantly, they are conditional upon an implicit
speech act of communication. Quirk et al. ( 1985 : 1089) refer to such if- clauses
as “indirect conditions ” since they are “dependent on the implicit speech act
of the utterance” (1095). They also resemble “insubordinated ” clauses ( Evans
2007 ), which look like subordinate clauses but are “pragmatically, seman-
tically and intonationally complete and self- suffi cient” ( Lombardi Vallauri
2004 : 204). For example, if you prefer in (10a) is the protasis for an implied
speech act of saying and prefer would normally require a noun phrase or
clausal complement noun phrase, as shown in (10b).^25
(10) a. Finally from us this evening, recreational terror or folly, if you prefer (1996
ABC_ WorldNews [COCA])
b. ... recreational terror or folly, if you prefer [my using this word/ that I use
this word] [then I use it/ say this]
The question arises, then, as to whether it is possible to reconstruct the ellipted
elements. Do these clauses arise from fully formed biclausal structures? These
questions are explored in Sections 8.2.3 and 8.3.2 in respect to if I may say so
and for what it’s worth and in Section 4.4 in respect to if only.
24 Compare Tieken- Boon van Ostade and Faya Cerqueiro ( 2007 ), who argue that please derives
from be pleased that.
25 Claridge ( 2013 ) notes the fragmentary nature of the clauses as it were and if you like , but does
not account for the fact that if you like cannot be seen as conditional upon the main clause to
which it is adjoined.