turkISh emIgrAtION ANd ItS I mplICAtIONS 125
cars and appliances, noted frequently that their non-migrant neighbours
also made such purchases during the 1970s and 1980s, but the returned
migrants were often among the f irst with new consumer goods and usually
had more of them. Abadan-Unat (1986: 364) emphasises the conspicuous
consumption of returnees, noting that some displayed electrical appliances
as a symbol of their aff luence even before their village had received electric-
ity. Along with this, emigratory f lows appear to have a negative effect on
social and economic inequalities: for instance, some studies (Day & İçduygu
1997, 1998, 1999) indicate that, in comparison to their migrant counterparts,
the socio-economic status of non-migrant households gets worse.
Emigration also had some socio-political consequences: for instance,
some studies have emphasised that returned migrants talked about socio-
political changes such as more respect for human rights and democracy
(Martin 1991: 61). Having been granted dual-citizenship rights, many Turkish
citizens could also enjoy these rights in their host countries (İçduygu 1996b:
252; and see Table 3.5). Another issue is the changing status of military
service for emigrants: while one cannot imagine any attempt to shorten the
nearly-two-year military duty in Turkey, now, as a consequence of emigra-
tion, there is a programme which permits Turks residing abroad – by paying
a fee in foreign currency – to shorten their compulsory military service.
There were also numerous unintended and unanticipated consequences
of emigration for the country. The emergence of cultural-revivalist ten-
dencies among Turkish migrants abroad, and problems related to return
migration and second-generation ‘returnees’ (Sayarı 1986: 95) are among
these consequences. The cultural-revivalist trends are somehow associ-
ated with the growth of Muslim fundamentalism, as well as the troubles
with Kurdish nationalism. Once abroad, many Turkish emigrants tend
to adopt a discernibly more Islamic orientation, while Turkish citizens of
Kurdish origin tend to reinforce their ethnic allegiance. This phenomenon
is mainly based on two factors: the defence mechanisms of emigrants in
a foreign environment, and the social, political and cultural climates of
the host countries which encourage these religious and ethnic revivals. As
a consequence of emigration, extreme ethno-politics based on ethnic or
religious identity, particularly in the case of complex migratory networks,
prepares the ground for radical political actions, such as the movement
toward establishing a Federal Islamic Republic in Turkey or the realisation
of Kurdish separatist demands (Abadan-Unat 1997: 247).
The unforeseen social consequences of emigration also include the
reintegration of return migrants and their families in Turkey. The return
and integration question was not critical for those who returned in the