148 african appropriations
films were actually counteracting the influence of foreign films that con-
tained scenes far worse than their own.
Despite the many challenges, or perhaps even because of them, the
video filmmakers have displayed a remarkable sense of unity and a spirit
of cooperation throughout the almost twenty years since video filmmak-
ing began in northern Nigeria. Most of them consider themselves devout
Muslims and Hausa. Nevertheless, during the past ten years, a certain
discourse surfaced within and outside the industry, questioning the “Hau-
saness” of a number of those involved in filmmaking. The rationale behind
this was to marginalize those dancing in a particularly indecent manner or
wearing particularly obscene clothes (in and off film) as immigrants with
different ethnic backgrounds or as children of immigrants who lacked
the typical “Hausa mind-set.” This logic included a certain amount of
scapegoating, as it associated everything considered undesirable about
Kanywood with alleged internal strangers, often referred to as “noneth-
nic” Hausa. Luckily enough, this discourse seemed to have died down
before it could unfold its socially explosive potential. Interestingly, this
discourse was based on “the prison house of culture” model which would
not allow individuals to act beyond the norms of their “culture” (cf. Çaglar
1990). This, however, is exactly what happened during the past twenty
years of Kany wood’s short history. Inspired by foreign media, young
people explored the taste of cultural difference and what it would mean
to be modern and Hausa and modern and Muslim. The video medium
gave them the opportunity to disseminate these explorations. Since the
films transgressed social norms, they became the focus of heated debate.
It would be wrong, however, to view Kanywood filmmakers as radicals.
Prior to the censorship crisis in the wake of the Hiyana scandal, they more
or less tried to accommodate their critics. They experimented with new,
religiously inspired genres, even dropping the much-debated song-and-
dance sequences and the theme of love in a couple of films produced be-
tween 2002 and 2003. W hile the standard formula returned as a response
to audience preference, the ongoing public controversy and the censorship
rules still left their mark on the subsequent videos. Filmmakers therefore
tended to incorporate more images signifying local “culture” (Khusufi’s
Fulbe, for example), introduced current debates into their films (such
as the controversy in Gidauniya over dresses in the style of the West),