Constitutionalism in Asia in the Early Twenty-First Century

(Greg DeLong) #1

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Philippine constitutional law


Majoritarian courts and elite politics


Raul C. Pangalangan


Philippine constitutional law in the first decade of the twenty-first century


coincided with the presidency of mainly one person, Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo,


and ended with the election of her successor, Benigno Aquinoiii. The two


presidencies provide contrasting contexts for constitutional governance on the issue


of legitimacy, which is to say that Arroyo lacked it and Aquino did not. Accordingly,


Arroyo had to rely on the most literal reading of the constitutional text to buffer


herself again myriad political challenges, while Aquino had the luxury of relying


on democratic politics rather than countermajoritarian institutions to push forward


his reform agenda.


This chapter traces how, in the public sphere, Arroyo’s deficit in political


legitimacy weakened republican institutions and exposed them at once to populist


politics and elite manipulation. By the close of her presidency, the doctrine of


separation of powers under the post-Marcos constitution of 1987 had been mangled


to consolidate her political power, while the Bill of Rights had been twisted to cover


up rent-seeking schemes.


In terms of constitutional structure, January 2001 marked the first distortion: the


ouster of the democratically elected President Joseph Estrada through “People


Power” protests and the installation of Arroyo as president under a clouded


mandate. Arroyo declared an emergency four times in her presidency, but using


various labels to evade built-in checks and balances. She also invoked executive


privilege and issued gag orders to stifle anticorruption inquiries.


In terms of the Bill of Rights, President Arroyo’s party-mates in Congress


invoked her right to privacy over bugged cellphone conversations that caught


her plotting to rig elections, while she lowered the protection for public protests.


The decade also witnessed the manipulation of the doctrine of “state action” to


allow the government to wash its hands of extrajudicial killings, in what the


United Nations Special Rapporteur called a “passivity bordering on abdication


of duty.”


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