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other countries. The question of revolution, particularly the “colour revolutions”, is
something that fills the Kremlin with fear and paranoia. And this is how attitudes
towards 1917 are now being shaped. I would not be surprised if we hear at least
one narrative on 1917 that labels it a “coloured revolution”, carried out with foreign
aid in order to destroy the wonderful country of Russia.
20th century baggage
When we speak of an historical analysis of the causes that led to the 1917 revo-
lution, the seriousness of the domestic issues that existed in tsarist Russia are
largely ignored. The problem with the national liberation movement, which natu-
rally entailed the changes that had taken place after the year 1917, is also ignored.
In addition, the fact that Russia, by entering the First World War, signed its own
death sentence is often disregarded. Therefore, Rus-
sians have a very underdeveloped attitude towards the
two revolutions that took place a century ago. Moreo-
ver, the attitude towards Lenin is also undeveloped.
On the one hand, it is clear that Lenin and his ideas
have all but disappeared from the Russian public space.
On the other hand, Lenin remains a symbol. There is
Lenin as a body and there is Lenin as a sacred object
(which is located in a mausoleum on the Red Square).
I am confident (even if a decision is made about whether Lenin will be buried or
not) he would be buried under the dressing of Orthodox-Imperial values because
it is a part of the Kremlin’s rhetoric.
The rhetoric of returning to and protecting traditional values is very reaction-
ary. It drags all the baggage of the 20th century, a lot of it Russian baggage (in-
cluding the imperial heritage), into the 21st century. This imperial view of Russia
is surprising to many. However many argue that Russia has always been like this.
It was, it is and it will continue be imperial, xenophobic and nationally oriented.
Although in this case, the nation refers to the community of peoples living on the
territory of Russia. This is very dangerous, because Russia is a multi-ethnic state.
To underline the issue of Russianness and its special Orthodox values is perilous.
Nevertheless, Russia now stands precisely on this path.
Lastly, when we talk about Russian policy today, it should be noted that it has
become both imperial and hostile in its rhetoric. This is an interesting phenom-
enon – as some sort of Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist foreign policy is being returned
and intended to divide the international community. The second is an attempt, in
Russians have a very
underdeveloped
attitude towards
the two revolutions,
which took place
a century ago.
History & Memory How Russia interprets 1917, Nikita Petrov