New Eastern Europe - November-December 2017

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of security and the economy, privileging regime stability and territorial integrity
over human welfare and the development of civil society.
China, for that matter, is adopting a mix of multilateralism and bilateralism as
well, but relying far more on the latter. While multilateralism is performed through
the SCO, bilateralism is much stronger especially from an economic perspective,
with China signing deals and agreements with Central Asian republics to secure
undisturbed energy flows for itself (mainly oil and gas from Kazakhstan, Turkmen-
istan and Uzbekistan) and to ensure commercial penetration for its much-voiced
infrastructural project, the Belt and Road Initiative. However, this is not the end
of the story. In his highly influential and well-researched book Great Games, Lo-
cal Rules, Alexander Cooley has shown how the great powers are not the only
rule-setting players in this alleged new Great Game. Local and regional elite, such
as those of the Central Asian states, are able to shape the contours of the game as
well, by dictating rules that grow out of their domestic policies and the nature of
Central Asian society, such as security entrenchment of local regimes, econom-
ic benefits for internal cadres and repression of domestic dissent. In other words,
they are able to diversify the set of rules of the game, and in fact to entrench them
for their own benefit.

A game with more players

The Great Game narrative sees Central Asia as a playing field for the US, Rus-
sia and China. Yet other states have also been active in the region, mostly in the
economic realm and have forged solid ties with the Central Asian states, thus
diversifying their foreign policy options and alleviating excessive reliance on the
three great powers. Turkey, Iran, India and Pakistan are now willing to play their
own role in the region. While these countries lack Russia’s political and military
links with the region and China’s economic might, they nonetheless rely on a mix
of ethno-linguistic (in the case of Turkey), economic (in the case of Pakistan, India
and Turkey), historical (Turkey, India, Iran) and religious affinities (Turkey, Iran)
to achieve their own strategic goals in the region, in close partnership with the
Central Asian governments.
The increased co-operation with these actors has been made possible thanks
to two events: the ascension to power of Shavkat Mirziyoyev in Uzbekistan, who
seem keener than his predecessor Islam Karimov to open up the country’s econ-
omy to foreign investments; and the inclusion of India and Pakistan in the SCO
as permanent members last June. Turkey is particularly interested in reviving
ethno-cultural links with the region by investing in tourism and education. Iran,

The new Great Game that is not, Filippo Costa Buranelli Opinion & Analysis