The Week India — November 12, 2017

(^24) THE WEEK Š NOVEMBER 12, 2017
GUJARAT
stop studying or go to colleges in Maharashtra and
south India. The Patels claim they were denied
opportunities, because only the wealthy could
afford to pursue higher studies and qualify for
government jobs. Apparently, the situation has
not changed, though a majority of self-financing
educational institutions in Gujarat are now run
by Patidars.
As a community, the Patels are generally per-
ceived to be well off, as there are industrialists,
expatriates and big farmers among them. But
many in the community maintain that the ground
reality is different. “Patels do not necessarily
mean rich. There are poor Patels as well; many
live below poverty line,” says Vishnu Patel, who
works as a chemist in Ahmedabad. “A large chunk
of farmland is divided among brothers. It gets fur-
ther divided among sons, generation after genera-
tion. Then, each one is left with a small piece of
land. The situation becomes graver when they are
not educated. There is no source of income then.”
The Patidar agitation began in late 2015. Leuva
and Kadva youth in north Gujarat, where Anjana
Patels were already enjoying the fruits of reser-
vations, thought they were being left out. Their
agitation soon spread statewide. It was only natu-
ral that the BJP—which had been in power in the
state for 19 years, or much of the agitators’ lives—
bore the brunt of the backlash.
In the run-up to the assembly polls, the BJP is
feeling the heat. Of 182 seats, there are at least 45
seats where Patidars constitute more than 50 per
cent of the electorate. “If the Congress accepts
our demands, the Patidars will automatically vote
for them,” says Hardik (see interview).
In the previous polls, the Congress had fielded
43 candidates who belonged to the community.
Nine of them won. The BJP fielded 47, of which
38 won. This time around, the Congress is heavily
banking on a reversal of fortunes, as the Patidars
are unhappy with the BJP.
“Whether the demand for reservations is jus-
tified is debatable; the important question is
whether it can be given or not,” says Hari Desai,
founding director of Sardar Patel Research
Institute in Anand. He points out that Supreme
Court had capped reservations of all kinds at 50
per cent of total seats.
Also, agreeing to grant reservations to Patidars
could result in backlash from dalits and OBCs.
Says Darshan Desai, an Ahmedabad-based jour-
nalist who is working on a biography of Hardik:
“The [Patel] agitation has had a cascading effect
on the OBCs and dalits, whose leaders Alpesh
Thakore and Jignesh Mevani have emerged,
along with Hardik, in the past two years.” All
three of them have come together against the
BJP, he says, even though they have little com-
mon political ground.
Ahmedabad-based sociologist Gaurang Jani
says the generation born after 1990 has realised
that slogans alone will not do. “Not very long ago,
only names of [Prime Minister] Narendra Modi
and [BJP president] Amit Shah were discussed in
Gujarat,” says Jani. “Now, three faces—of Hardik,
Alpesh and Jignesh—have become famous all
over the country. [Congress president] Rahul
Gandhi has got space here.” ◆
Of 182 seats, there are at least 45 seats
where Patidars constitute more than 50
per cent of the electorate. “If the Congress
accepts our demands, the Patidars will vote
for them,” says Hardik.
JANAK PATEL
Symbol of anguish: Dharmesh Chopda, 23, missed
out on being selected as a police constable this year.
Lakhs of Patidar youth like him believe they are
victims of caste-based reservations