16 The EconomistJanuary 20th 2018
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Economist.com/lettersThe turn to nationalismRegarding the rise of nation-
alism (“Vladimir’s choice”,
December 23rd), the middle
class is not angry because it
demands respect, but because
the liberal elite has run out of
ideas about how to create good
jobs in the face of rapidly
increasing populations. For
many people, nationalism
holds the promise of a higher
morality compared with the
debauchery of the elite, which
is out of touch with middle-
class aspirations. The middle
class in India latches on to
nationalism as it promises
better infrastructure and jobs.
Politicians on the right have
channelled this anger by blam-
ing the liberal elite, migrants
(internal, in India’s case) and
religious minorities.
The global liberal order
represents the status quo. The
rise of nationalism gives it an
opportunity to set its house in
order, investing more to im-
prove the lives of the masses.
Governments need to do all
they can to end corruption and
deliver good governance.
Power has to be taken away
from the tight networks of old
money and elite schools, and
given to those who are capable
of delivering the goods. That
might be the only way to stop
the angry slide towards aggres-
sive right-wing nationalism.
RUSHABH MEHTA
MumbaiYou referred to Europe’s libera-
tion from the “carapace” of the
Austro-Hungarian empire.
This reminded me of a visit to
Schloss Artstetten in Austria,
the home and burial place of
Archduke Franz Ferdinand, a
notable victim of nationalism.
In his study was a map of the
proposed United States of
Greater Austria, a plan for a
democratic multinational
confederation that the arch-
duke’s advisers had urged in
order to resolve social and
ethnic tensions. Looking at this
beautiful map I reflected that it
took two world wars and
decades of imperial Soviet
control before those states
were again united.
JAMES DAWSON
LondonMuch as nationalism might be
part of the Law and Justice
party’s ideology in Poland, it is
by no means its centrepiece.
What lies at its core is the
worldview of its leader, Jaros-
law Kaczynski, who perceives
reality as a battle between
good and evil. This is a reason
why he and his acolytes dis-
approve of the way Poland
moved from communism and
authoritarianism to capitalism
and democracy. There was no
revolution, no decisive final
battle. The transition to
democracy wasmade possible
by a business transaction to
wipe the slate clean. What was
particularly outrageous for
them was to see leaders of the
opposition drinking vodka
and fraternising with Commu-
nist Party bosses during the
negotiations. To them, 1989
was an immoral deal as most
apparatchiks got off scot-free.
Mr Kaczynski’s worldview
explains Law and Justice’s
intransigence and authoritar-
ian leanings. After all, democ-
racy is a messy process that
involves compromises, trade-
offs and concessions, for
which there is no place in Mr
Kaczynski’s Manichean uni-
verse. The instrumentality of
one-party rule in the crusade
against evil has great appeal.
PIOTR ZIENTARA
Associate professor of
economics
University of GdanskPolygamy and civil warYou pointed to the high
incidence of polygamy, and
specifically polygyny, in which
one husband has multiple
wives, for being in part respon-
sible for South Sudan’s civil
war (“The perils of polygamy”,
December 23rd). In fact, the
causal relationship between
polygyny and conflict is un-
clear. Societies with the high-
est polygyny rates, such as
Benin, Burkina Faso and Guin-
ea, are also characterised by
high rates of population
growth and by lengthy gaps
between men’s and women’s
average ages at first marriage,
with men marrying five to ten
years later than women. This
combination of factors means
that, even though males spendless of their lives in marriage
than do females in these soci-
eties, they almost all marry at
some point. Notably, Benin,
Burkina Faso and Guinea,
although impoverished and
poorly governed, have yet to
experience civil war.
Polygyny in these societies
is no boon to women, but
neither is it the driver of social
unrest that some have claimed
it to be.
BRUCE WHITEHOUSE
Associate professor of
anthropology
Lehigh University
Bethlehem, PennsylvaniaThe sugar trade“Nearly sweet nothing”
(December 16th) misread the
reality of international sugar
politics. Countries and region-
al trade blocs apply substantial
tariff protections on sugar
imports to protect their own
producers. The European
Union and the United States
apply duties of over 100%, for
example. As such, Caribbean
countries agreed long ago to a
Common External Tariff (CET)
of 40% on imports of raw and
refined sugar. In October 2017,
the EUended a policy that had
for decades provided Caribbe-
an sugar producers with a far
higher price than was available
anywhere else. As we turn to
our domestic and regional
markets, we face widespread
dumping of subsidised sugar.
The Caribbean industry
simply wishes to exercise its
right to tariff protection, which
was originally negotiated
when CARICOMwas estab-
lished and is a widespread
practice around the world. The
Inter-American Development
Bank judges the effect on con-
sumer prices to be negligible.
We want to see a genuine
regionally integrated sugar
market, providing security of
supply and quality to Caribbe-
an manufacturers and con-
sumers. Proper application of
the CETwill create this, and
importantly, will incentivise
investment.
KARL JAMES
Chairman
Sugar Association of the
Caribbean
Couva, TrinidadWho settled Iceland?The claim that Iceland was
unpopulated when settled by
Norsemen in 874 (“An old
tongue’s new tricks”, Decem-
ber 23rd) is questioned by
some historians. The first
settlers may actually have
been Gaelic-speaking, seafar-
ing Irish monks fleeing the
Vikings in Ireland. According
to this theory, the monks
moved on once the Norse
marauders showed up. Schol-
ars of the Sagas point to the
impact of Gaelic writings and
believe it is not coincidental
that Ireland and Iceland were
the only places in western
Europe where oral traditions
were written down this way.
FEARGHAS O’BEARA
BrusselsUh-uhJohnson wrote about the
importance of pauses in con-
versation, such as the use of
“mm-hmm” to show sympa-
thy as a listener (December
16th). The screenwriters of
“The Big Sleep” in 1946 knew
the importance of the pause.
Take this for example, an
exchange between General
Sternwood and Philip
Marlowe following a
monologue by the general:
Philip Marlowe: “Hmm.”
General Sternwood: “What
does that mean?”
Philip Marlowe: “It means,
hmm.”
PAUL O’MALLEY
Fort Wayne, Indiana 7Letters