The EconomistFebruary 24th 2018 35
1
J
UST one road connects Tumaco, the sec-
ond-busiestport on Colombia’sPacific
coast, to the rest of the country. Beyond
its verges are fields of coca bushes, many of
them cultivated by poor people. Yuley Al-
exandra Ruano’s crop grows behind a
beauty parlour she owns on a patch of
land she does not. It is fringed by yucca,
plantains and a rotting cacao tree. She and
her neighbours have signed up to the gov-
ernment’s “comprehensive programme
for illicit crop substitution” (PNIS), whose
aim is to replace the coca with a profitable
legal crop. But bureaucracy moves slowly.
Ms Ruano has yet to see new seeds or the
money promised by the government to
help with the switch.
From her salon in the department of
Nariño, she can see that the government is
pursuing with more energy the other part
of its anti-coca strategy, forced eradication.
Every day a Black Hawk helicopter passes,
bearing police to a jungle camp in Alto
Mira y Frontera (see map). Their mission is
to kill the bushes, by uprooting them or by
spraying them with herbicide. The govern-
ment wants to eradicate by force 65,000
hectares (160,000 acres) of coca this year.
The two approaches are supposed to
complement each other. The crop-substitu-
tion strategy is set out in a peace accord
that in 2016 ended more than 50 years of
war between the government and the
FARC, a leftist guerrilla group. It is part of a
cause they expected cash from the govern-
ment to switch to something else. Volun-
tary substitution isprogressing painfully
slowly. That is partly because the govern-
ment has not complemented it with a pro-
gramme to build roads rapidly and provide
services in coca-growing areas.
Some areas vacated by the FARChave
been taken over by the ELN, a smaller guer-
rilla group; drug gangs such as the “Gaitan-
ista Self-Defence Forces”, which has its ori-
gins in a right-wing paramilitary group;
and FARC members who rejected the
peace agreement. In January Colombia’s
president, Juan Manuel Santos, suspended
peace talks with the ELNafter a series of
bombings that killed seven policemen.
Armed groups also target small-scale
growers of coca who want to switch crops.
Last month in Caquetá, a southern depart-
ment, ex-members of the FARCforced six
officials of the UNOffice on Drugs and
Crime (UNODC) out of their cars and stole
theirGPSdevices and mobile phones. The
agency says the assault was an attempt to
stop crop-substitution in that area.
The jump in coca production brought
pressure from the United States. In Septem-
ber last year Donald Trump said he might
decertify Colombia as a partner in the fight
against drugs, putting in jeopardy some of
the $390m in American aid Colombia re-
ceives. In February this year he threatened
to cut aid to drug-exporting countries that
are “laughing” atthe United States. These
warnings stirred traumatic memories of
decertification in 1996 and 1997, when Co-
lombia seemed to be a failing state.
Many Colombians are nearly as wor-
ried about coca as Mr Trump. They judge
the success of the peace deal by the num-
ber of hectares given over to the crop, says
Hernando Zuleta, director of the Centre for
Studies on Security and Drugs at the Uni-
broader project to bring stability and better
living standards to swathes of the country-
side once controlled by the FARC, which
has now become a political party. The gov-
ernment says it reserves forced eradication
for industrial-scale plantations controlled
by large drug gangs, and for farmers who
refuse to participate in crop substitution.
But things are not going to plan. Coca
cultivation surged in anticipation of the
peace deal, from 96,000 hectares to
146,000 in 2016. Farmers planted more be-
Coca in Colombia
See it. Spray it. Sorted
TUMACO
Two anti-drug strategies are at war with each other
The Americas
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Bogotá
NARIÑO
CAQUETÁ
Tumaco
PACIFIC
OCEAN
Caribbean
Sea
COLOMBIA
VENEZUELA
PANAMA
ECUADOR
PERU
BRAZIL
Alto Mira
y Frontera
Source: UNODC 250 km
Coca-crop density
2016, hectares/km^2 0.1 1.0 2.0 4.0 8.0